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rhatto
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@@ -1748,3 +1748,116 @@ A circular, feedback loop:
system. Second, there was the notion of systematicity that involved a particular
type of method—one that began by collecting a set of promising alternatives,
constructing a model, and using a defined criterion.
[...]
This method of systems analysis became influential in government and
eventually began to dominate governmental logics starting in 1961 when Robert
McNamara acceded to the Pentagon under President John F. Kennedy.
[...]
According to its proponents, systems analysis
would allow policy makers to put aside partisan politics, personal preferences,
and subjective values. It would pave the way to objectivity and truth. As RAND
expert and future secretary of defense James R. Schlesinger explained:
“[Systems analysis] eliminates the purely subjective approach on the part of
devotees of a program and forces them to change their lines of argument. They
must talk about reality rather than morality.” 13 With systems analysis,
Schlesinger argued, there was no longer any need for politics or value
judgments. The right answer would emerge from the machine-model that
independently evaluated cost and effectiveness. All that was needed was a
narrow and precise objective and good criteria. The model would then spit out
the most effective strategy.
[...]
Counterinsurgency theory blossomed at precisely the moment that systems
analysis was, with RAND’s backing, gaining influence in the Pentagon and at
the White House. The historian Peter Paret pinpoints this moment, in fact, to the
very first year of the Kennedy administration: “In 1961, the Cuban revolution
combined with the deteriorating Western position in Southeast Asia
[...]
It convened, as mentioned earlier, the seminal
counterinsurgency symposium in April 1962, where RAND analysts discovered
David Galula and commissioned him to write his memoirs. RAND would
publish his memoirs as a confidential classified report in 1963 under the title
[...]
Counterinsurgency theory blossomed at precisely the moment that systems
analysis was, with RAND’s backing, gaining influence in the Pentagon and at
the White House. The historian Peter Paret pinpoints this moment, in fact, to the
very first year of the Kennedy administration: “In 1961, the Cuban revolution
combined with the deteriorating Western position in Southeast Asia to shift
[...]
One recent episode regarding interrogation
methods is telling. It involved the evaluation of different tactics to obtain
information from informants, ranging from truth serums to sensory overload to
torture. These alternatives were apparently compared and evaluated using a SA
approach at a workshop convened by RAND, the CIA, and the American
Psychological Association (APA). Again, the details are difficult to ascertain
fully, but the approach seemed highly systems-analytic.
[...] a series of workshops on “The Science of Deception”
[...]
More specifically, according to this source, the workshops probed and
compared different strategies to elicit information. The systems-analytic
approach is reflected by the set of questions that the participants addressed: How
important are differential power and status between witness and officer? What
pharmacological agents are known to affect apparent truth-telling behavior?
What are sensory overloads on the maintenance of deceptive behaviors? How
might we overload the system or overwhelm the senses and see how it affects
deceptive behaviors? These questions were approached from a range of
disciplines. The workshops were attended by “research psychologists,
psychiatrists, neurologists who study various aspects of deception and
representatives from the CIA, FBI and Department of Defense with interests in
intelligence operations. In addition, representatives from the White House Office
of Science and Technology Policy and the Science and Technology Directorate
of the Department of Homeland Security were present.” 31
[...]
And in effect, from a counterinsurgency perspective, these various tactics—
truth serums, sensory overloads, torture—are simply promising alternatives that
need to be studied, modeled, and compared to determine which ones are superior
at achieving the objective of the security system. Nothing is off limits.
Everything is fungible. The only question is systematic effectiveness. This is the
systems-analytic approach: not piecemeal, but systematic.
Incidentally, a few years later, Gerwehr apparently went to Guantánamo, but
refused to participate in any interrogation because the CIA was not using video
cameras to record the interrogations. Following that, in the fall of 2006 and in
2007, Gerwehr made several calls to human-rights advocacy groups and
reporters to discuss what he knew. A few months later, in 2008, Gerwehr died of
a motorcycle accident on Sunset Boulevard. 32 He was forty years old.
[...]
Sometimes, depending on the practitioner, the analysis favored torture or summary
execution; at other times, it leaned toward more “decent” tactics. But these
variations must now be understood as internal to the system. Under President
Bush’s administration, the emphasis was on torture, indefinite detention, and
illicit eavesdropping; under President Obama’s, it was on drone strikes and total
surveillance; in the first months of the Trump presidency, on special operations,
drones, the Muslim ban, and building the wall. What unites these different
strategies is counterinsurgency’s coherence as a system—a system in which
brutal violence is heart and center. That violence is not aberrational or rogue. It
is to be expected. It is internal to the system. Even torture and assassination are
merely variations of the counterinsurgency logic.
Counterinsurgency abroad and at home has been legalized and systematized. It
has become our governing paradigm “in any situation,” and today “simply
expresses the basic tenet of the exercise of political power.” It has no sunset
provision. It is ruthless, game theoretic, systematic—and legal. And with all of
the possible tactics at the government’s disposal—from total surveillance to
indefinite detention and solitary confinement, to drones and robot-bombs, even
to states of exception and emergency powers—this new mode of governing has
never been more dangerous.
In sum, The Counterrevolution is our new form of tyranny.
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