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Books: technology: cybersyn: more excerpts

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the world such as the Middle East.
-- 232-233
## Misc
The strike also had the effect of radicalizing factions of the left,
some of which began preparing for armed conflict. Political scientist
Arturo Valenzuela notes: “ironically, it was the counter-mobilization
of the petite bourgeoisie responding to real, contrived, and imaginary
threats which finally engendered, in dialectical fashion, a significant
and autonomous mobilization of the working class.”18 Rather than
bringing an end to Chilean socialism, the strike pitted workers against
small-business owners and members of the industrial bourgeoisie and
created the class war that the right openly feared.
[...]
The solution he proposed was social and technical, as it configured
machines and human beings in a way that could help the government adapt
and survive.
[...]
Accusations come from Britain and the USA. Invitations [to build
comparable systems] come from Brazil and South Africa.” Considering the
repressive governments that were in power in Brazil and South Africa in
the early 1970s, it is easy to sympathize with Beer’s lament: “You can
see what a false position I am in.”46 Beer was understandably
frustrated with these international misinterpretations of his
cybernetic work.
[...]
This Government is shit, but it is my Government.’ ”51
[...]
The big problem was “not technology, it was not the computer, it was
[the] people,” he concluded.70 Cybersyn, a sociotechnical system,
depended on more than its hardware and software components. For the
system to function, human beings also needed to be disciplined and
brought into line. In the case of Cybersyn, integrating human beings
into the system, and thus changing their behavior, proved just as
difficult as building the telex network or programming the software—or
perhaps even more difficult. While the Cybersyn team could exert some
degree of control over the computer resources, construction of the
operations room, or installation of a telex machine, they had very
little control over what was taking place within the factories,
including levels of management participation or whether Cybersyn would
be integrated into existing
[...]
Beer, however, recognized the real possibility of a military coup. In
his letter to the editor of Science for People, he considered whether
Cybersyn might be altered by an “evil dictator” and used against the
workers. Since Cybersyn team members were educating the Chilean people
about such risks, he argued, the people could later sabotage these
efforts. “Maybe even the dictator himself can be undermined; because
‘information constitutes control’—and if the people understand that
they may defeat even the dictator’s guns,” Beer mused.79 I have found
no evidence that members of the Cybersyn team were educating Chilean
workers about the risks of using Cybersyn, although they might have
been.
[...]
after the Pinochet military coup, information in Chile did constitute
control but in a very different way than Beer imagined. The military
created the Department of National Intelligence (DINA), an organization
that used the information it gleaned from torture and surveillance to
detain and “disappear” those the military government viewed as
subversive
[...]
The cybernetic adventure is apparently coming to an end, or is it not?”
Kohn asked. “The original objective of this project was to present new
tools for management, but primarily to bring about a substantial change
in the traditional practice of management.” In contrast, Kohn found
that “management accepts your tools, but just them. . . . The final
objective, ‘the revolution in management’ is not accepted, not even
[...]
Decybernation,” a reference to the technological components of Cybersyn
that were being used independent of the cybernetic commitment to
changing government organization. Beer wrote, “If we want a new system
of government, we have to change the established order,” yet to change
the established order required changing the very organization of the
Chilean government. Beer reminded team members that they had created
Cybersyn to support such organizational changes. Reduced to its
component technologies, Cybersyn was “no longer a viable system but a
collection of parts.” These parts could be assimilated into the current
government system, but then “we do not get a new system of government,
but an old system of government with some new tools. . . . These tools
are not the tools we invented,” Beer wrote.81
[...]
Decybernation” was influenced by the ideas of the Chilean biologists
Humberto Maturana and Francisco Varela. Understanding the import of
Beer’s insistence on organizational change requires a brief explanation
of how Maturana and Varela differentiated between organization and
structure. According to the biologists, the “structure of a system”
refers to its specific components and the relationships among these
components. The “organization of the system” refers to the
relationships that make the system what it is, regardless of its
specific component parts. The structure of the system can change
without changing the identity of the system, but if the organization of
the system changes, the system becomes something else. In their 1987
book The Tree of Knowledge
[...]
On 5 May the violent actions of the ultraright paramilitary group
Fatherland and Liberty pushed the government to declare Santiago an
emergency zone. Placing the city under martial law, Allende accused the
opposition of “consciously and sinisterly creating the conditions to
drag the country toward civil war.”92 The escalating conflict between
the government and the opposition did not bode well for the future of
Chilean socialism.
[...]
Marx, capital was evil and the enemy. For us, capital remains evil, but
the enemy is STATUS QUO. . . . I consider that if Marx were alive
today, he would have found the new enemy that I recognize in my
title.”101 In “Status Quo” Beer used cybernetics to explore some of
Marx’s more famous ideas and to update them for the modern world,
taking into account new technological advances in communication and
computing. According to Beer, the class struggle described by Marx was
out of date and “represent[ed] the situation generated by the
industrial revolution itself, and [was] ‘100 years old.’ ”102 Beer felt
that capitalism had since created new forms of work and new
exploitative relations.103
[...]
Bureaucracy always favors the status quo,” he argues, “because its own
viability is at stake as an integral system.” In order to survive,
bureaucracy must reproduce itself, Beer claimed. This process
constrains freedom in the short term and prevents change in the long
term.109 “This situation is a social evil,” Beer asserts. “It means
that bureaucracy is a growing parasite on the body politic, that
personal freedoms are usurped in the service demands the parasitic
monster makes, and above all that half the national effort is deflected
from worthwhile activities.” Beer concludes that since bureaucracy
locks us into the status quo, “dismantling the bureaucracy can only be
a revolutionary aim.”110 Beer had long railed against bureaucracy
[...]
Nevertheless, Beer’s cybernetic analysis failed to tell him how to
advise his Chilean friends and help them save Chile’s political
project. In fact, it led him to the opposite conclusion: that it was
impossible for a small socialist country to survive within a capitalist
world system. “If the final level
[...]
societary recursion is capitalistic, in what sense can a lower level of
recursion become socialist?” he asks. “It makes little difference if
capital in that socialist country is owned by capitalists whose subject
is state controls, or by the state itself in the name of the people,
since the power of capital to oppress is effectively wielded by the
metasystem.”112 Or, to put it another way, Beer did not see how the
Allende government could survive, given the magnitude of the economic
pressure that a superpower like the United States was putting on the
small country. But Beer continued to work for the Allende government
even after he reached this conclusion, because his personal and
professional investment in Chilean socialism outweighed the pessimistic
judgment of cybernetics.113
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