fin de la traducción

the difference between them to be understood merely as deriving from the

changing material affordances of digital technology at a time of rapid

technological innovation? Or is there something more to the

equation?[]{style=""}[]{style=""}

equation?[][]

Activismo digital es un término ampliamente utilizado para describir

distintas formas de activismo que se sirven de la tecnología digital pero

recuperate an understanding of ideology, understood as a worldview and

value system which shapes collective action, and of how ideology

interacts with technology in shaping activist

practices.[]{style=""}[]{style=""}

practices.[][]

Hasta el momento, el debate sobre la transformación del activismo

digital ha tendido a seguir la típica tendencia tecno-determinista que

subjectivity. This approach reflects the populist turn that has marked

the movement of the squares, as seen in its adoption of a discourse of

the people, or of the 99% against the elites ([Gerbaudo

2017](#Gerbaudo2017)).[]{style=""}

2017](#Gerbaudo2017)).[]

El argumento puede ser resumido esquemáticamente así: las activistas

anti-globalización adoptaron un abordaje tecno-político al que describo

contestational ideology, digital activism has transitioned from a view

of the Internet as a space of resistance and counter-cultural

contestation, to its understanding as a space of counter-hegemonic

mobilisation.[]{style=""}

mobilisation.[]

Estas dos orientaciones tecno-políticas reflejan el proceso de evolución

tecnológica que fue desde la más elitista _web 1.0_ a la masificada _web

transformation as resulting from technological transformation, thus

overlooking that also the converse is the case, namely that changes in

political and ideological orientations modify the way technology is

conceived of and used.[]{style=""}

conceived of and used.[]

El activismo digital es una forma de activismo que pone en el eje de su

discusión la relación entre política y tecnología.  Para hacer uso de

have demonstrated in my previous work, digital activism is not an

horizontal and leaderless space, but is accompanied by the rise of new

forms of leadership ([2012](#Gerbaudo2012);

[2016](#Gerbaudo2016)).[]{style=""} []{style=""}

[2016](#Gerbaudo2016)).[] []

El elemento tecno-determinista también se encuentra presente en la obra

de Manuel Castells.  Para ser justas, el registro de Castells tiene

this shift also ideological and political factors have concurred. As I

will demonstrate in the course of the article, without a change in

ideology the new opportunities of mass mobilisation offered by social

media would have not been reaped by protest movements.[]{style=""}

media would have not been reaped by protest movements.[]

Esta tendencia también puede observarse en las obras de Castells sobre

los _social media_.  Castells argumenta que la difusión de _social

reference to a) the relative autonomy of politics from technology; b)

the symbolic and not only material character of technological processes;

c) the role of technology as a mediator of social relationships and ways

of life that cannot be reduced to technology alone. []{style=""}

of life that cannot be reduced to technology alone. []

Mientras estos abordajes están en lo cierto al identificar la influencia

que juega la tecnología en la política contemporánea, a menudo tienden a

practices are accompanied by a certain ethos and \"cultural logic\",

which approaches the Internet not just as a tool but also a space of

solidarity in which different struggles can unite ([2014,

17](#Wolfson2014)). Similarly Barassi and Trer[é]{style=""} have argued

17](#Wolfson2014)). Similarly Barassi and Trer[é] have argued

that besides the evolution of technology it is important to take into

account the lived experience of the activists who utilize that

technology, and the way they deconstruct assumptions about the nature

bourgeoisie over the proletariat ([2002 \[1848\]](#MarxEngels2002)).

Techno-deterministic analysis tends to bracket this aspect, overlooking

the fact that technology is a mediator of a certain social relationship

be[]{style=""} it of oppression, leadership or cooperation. Furthermore,

it overlooks the way in which[]{style=""} technology is embedded in

be[] it of oppression, leadership or cooperation. Furthermore,

it overlooks the way in which[] technology is embedded in

broader social (and not just communication) ecologies and the social

relationships that are established within them.[]{style=""}

relationships that are established within them.[]

En tercer lugar, deberíamos evitar tener una visión instrumental de la

tecnología en tanto herramienta en sí misma y en su lugar apreciar la

entangled. This aspect highlights the need to appreciate the

embeddedness of technology in different cultural communities, and the

way in which technological use depends on the customs, values and norms

adopted by these communities. []{style=""}

adopted by these communities. []

Lim ha demostrado cómo la efectividad de los _social media_

para circular información relevante a los movimientos de protesta que

ideological shift in social movements maps onto the changing

techno-political orientations of social movements: the cyber-autonomism

of the first wave, and the cyber-populism of the second wave of digital

activism.[]{style=""}[]{style=""}

activism.[][]

Estas dos fases de protesta son el movimiento anti-globalización

alrededor del cambio de milenio y el movimiento de las plazas de 2011.

digital activism invades mainstream politics, with the rise of phenomena

as Wikileaks, the Arab Spring uprisings, and the Snowden affair, making

digital activism, no longer a marginal phenomenon but one that is at the

very centre of political conflicts.[]{style=""}[]{style=""}

very centre of political conflicts.[][]

Mi comprensión de la evolución del activismo digital y la presencia de

las dos olas es cercana a la de Karatzogianni, una académica de medios

and influenced by technology, yet not reducible to technology alone. We

shall now see how this approach can be applied to the two different

phases that have been identified for the present analysis: the

anti-globalisation movement and the movement of the squares.[]{style=""}

anti-globalisation movement and the movement of the squares.[]

Sin embargo, mi análisis es más simple y solo se enfoca en dos fases

principales.  Explica la transformación como resultado de cambios

citizens, starting on their gathering in public spaces and on social

media. It yearns for the construction of a radical democracy that may

allow a more authentic participation than the one offered by corrupt

liberal-democratic institutions.[]{style=""}[]{style=""}

liberal-democratic institutions.[][]

El movimiento anti-globalización se desarrolló alrededor del cambio de

milenio y se manifestó en una serie de protestas de gran escala contra

As we shall see, this opposition between anarcho-autonomism and populism

maps onto the opposition between cyber-autonomism and cyber-populism, as

the dominant techno-political orientations of the first and second wave

of digital activism.[]{style=""} The way in which activists have

of digital activism.[] The way in which activists have

conceived of and utilised the Internet reflects their general worldview,

their attitude towards the state, towards politics and towards the

general population and its prevalent opinions and attitudes.

alternative points of view. This vision lay at the foundation of an

array of alternative media initiatives pursued between the late 90s and

early 2000s ([Pickard 2006](#Pickard2006); [Juris

2008](#Juris2008)).[]{style=""}

2008](#Juris2008)).[]

Comencemos por el movimiento anti-globalización y su activismo digital.

Las activistas anti-globalización persiguieron lo que puede llamarse una

tech activists have been more concerned with harnessing the outreach

capabilities of corporate social networking sites such as Facebook and

Twitter and the digital-popular culture that has emerged on these

platforms.[]{style=""}

platforms.[]

El activismo digital del movimiento de las plazas se caracteriza en

cambio por una orientación tecno-política que he descrito como

lograr una magnitud movilizatoria que evidentemente supera la alcanzada

por las activistas anti-globalización.

[[4.[   ]{style="font-family: "Times New Roman"; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; font-size: 7pt; line-height: normal; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal;"}]{style=""}]{style=""} Conclusion {#conclusion style="margin-left: 21.3pt; text-align: left; text-indent: -21.3pt;" align="left"}

=====================================================================================================================================================================================================================================

Conclusión

==========

In order to understand the transformation of digital activism it is

necessary to pay attention not just to changes in the materiality of

and values that informs the activist worldview in any given historical

period.

Para comprender la transformación del activismo digital es necesario

prestar atención no solo solo a los cambios en la materialidad de la

tecnología, sino también a los factores culturales, sociales y políticos

que dan forma a su comprensión y uso.  Por eso resulta imperativo

recuperar la noción de ideología, entendida como el sistema de creencias

y valores que informan la cosmovisión activista en cualquier período

histórico.

As I have demonstrated in this article the difference between the first

wave of digital activism around the turn of the millennium, and the

second wave in the late 2000s and 2010s, has been shaped not just by the

cyber-populism conceives it as a space of popular gathering and

mobilisation.

Como he demostrado en este artículo las diferencias entre la primera ola

de activismo digital que se dio en el cambio de milenio y la segunda

entre el 2000 y el 2010, no solo han seguido la forma de la

transformación de la tecnología digital y el giro de la web 1.0 a las

plataformas de redes sociales de la web 2.0, sino también por cambios en

la ideología de estos movimientos conectados, en particular el cambio

del anarco-autonomismo del movimiento anti-globalización hacia el

populismo del movimiento de las plazas.  Este giro ideológico se ha

traducido, en el contacto del activismo digital, en un giro del

ciber-autonomismo hacia el ciber-populismo, dos orientaciones

tecno-políticas con diferentes asunciones sobre el rol de la tecnología

digital tanto como medios y como espacios de lucha.  Mientras el

ciber-autonomismo concibe la tecnología digital como un espacio autónomo

separado del estado y el capital, el ciber-populismo la concibe como un

espacio de encuentro y movilización popular.

This ideological interpretation of digital activism does not entail

ignoring the role played by technology in shaping collective action.

Digital activism certainly reflects the nature of technological

of \"techno-political orientations\" which has been utilised in this

article.

Esta interpretación ideológica del activismo digital no ignora el rol

que juega la tecnología al dar forma a la acción colectiva.  El

activismo digital ciertamente refleja la naturaleza de las capacidades

tecnológicas.  Por ejemplo, el proceso de masificación de la web que se

dio en paralelo a la difusión de los _social media_ explicaría el giro

desde una lógica minoritaria a una mayoritaria de movilización en el

activismo digital.  Sin embargo, la transformación tecnológica no es el

factor determinante.  Sus efectos en el contenido del activismo son

filtrados por narrativas ideológicas y cosmovisiones que contribuyen a

dar forma la forma en que las activistas conciben la Internet como un

campo de lucha político, un aspecto que puede capturarse en la noción de

"orientaciones tecno-políticas" utilizada en este artículo.

What is required going forward is thus research that can better account

for the complex ways in which ideology shapes activist practices and

their content. This perspective would allow us to overcome some of the

attitudes, and motivations of connected social movements, besides

technological factors.

Lo que resulta necesario es por lo tanto investigación que pueda dar

mejor cuenta de las formas complejas en las que la ideología da forma a

las prácticas activistas y su contenido.  Esta perspectiva permitiría

superar algunas de las superficialidades en las que incurren muchos de

los análisis contemporáneos del activismo digital y abordar mejor

la forma en que este activismo refleja los temas, actitudes y

motivaciones de los movimientos sociales conectados, aparte de los

factores tecnológicos.

References {#references style="margin-left: 0cm; text-align: left; text-indent: 0cm;" align="left"}

==========

[Bennett, W. Lance, and Alexandra Segerberg. 2012b. *The Logic of

Connective Action: Digital media and the personalization of contentious

politics*.]{#BennettSegerberg2012b} [Cambridge]{style=""}[: Cambridge

University Press.]{style=""}

politics*.]{#BennettSegerberg2012b} [Cambridge][: Cambridge

University Press.]

[Berker, Thomas, Maren Hartmann, and Yves Punie. 2005. *Domestication of

Media and Technology*. McGraw-Hill Education.]{#Berkeretal2005}

[Castells, Manuel. 2004. Informationalism, networks, and the network

society: a theoretical blueprint. In The Network Society: a

Crosscultural Perspective, edited by Manuel Castells,

3-48.]{#Castells2004} [Northampton]{style=""}[, MA]{style=""}[: Edward

Elgar.]{style=""}

3-48.]{#Castells2004} [Northampton][, MA][: Edward

Elgar.]

[Castells, Manuel. 2009. *Communication power*.]{#Castells2009}

[Oxford]{style=""}[: Oxford University Press.]{style=""}

[Oxford][: Oxford University Press.]

[[Castells, Manuel. 2012. *Networks of Outrage and Hope: Social

Movements in the Internet Age.*]{style=""}]{#Castells2012}

[[Cambridge]{style=""}]{style=""}[[: Polity Press.]{style=""}]{style=""}

Movements in the Internet Age.*]]{#Castells2012}

[[Cambridge]][[: Polity Press.]]

[Coleman, E. Gabriella. 2013. *Coding Freedom: The ethics and aesthetics

of hacking*. Princeton:]{#Coleman2013} [Princeton]{style=""}

[University]{style=""} [Press.]{style=""}

of hacking*. Princeton:]{#Coleman2013} [Princeton]

[University] [Press.]

[Earl, Jennifer, and Katrina Kimport. 2011. *Digitally Enabled Social

Change: Activism in the Internet age*.]{#EarlKimport2011}

[Cambridge]{style=""}[: MIT Press.]{style=""}

[Cambridge][: MIT Press.]

[Fenton, Natalie, and Veronica Barassi. 2011. Alternative Media and

Social Networking Sites: The politics of individuation and political

of Communication* 5(20).]{#FerronMassa2012}

[Fuchs, Christian. 2013. *Social Media: A Critical

Introduction*.]{#Fuchs2013} [London]{style=""}[: Sage.]{style=""}

Introduction*.]{#Fuchs2013} [London][: Sage.]

[Gerbaudo, Paolo. 2012. Tweets and the Streets: Social Media and

Contemporary Activism.]{#Gerbaudo2012} [London]{style=""}[: Pluto

Press.]{style=""}

Contemporary Activism.]{#Gerbaudo2012} [London][: Pluto

Press.]

[Gerbaudo, Paolo. 2014. Populism 2.0: Social media activism, the generic

Internet user and interactive direct democracy. In: *Social Media,

Politics and the State: Protests, Revolutions, Riots, Crime and Policing

in the Age of Facebook, Twitter and YouTube*, edited by Christian Fuchs

and Daniel Trottier, 67-87.]{#Gerbaudo2014} [London]{style=""}[: Taylor

and Francis.]{style=""}

and Daniel Trottier, 67-87.]{#Gerbaudo2014} [London][: Taylor

and Francis.]

[Gerbaudo, Paolo. 2015. Protest Avatars as Memetic Signifiers: Political

profile pictures and the construction of collective identity on social

[Gerbaudo, Paolo. 2016. Rousing the Facebook Crowd: Digital enthusiasm

and emotional contagion in the 2011 protests in]{#Gerbaudo2016}

[Egypt]{style=""} [and Spain. *International Journal of Communication*

10(1): 254-273.]{style=""}

[Egypt] [and Spain. *International Journal of Communication*

10(1): 254-273.]

[]{#Gerbaudo2018}[[Gerbaudo, Paolo. 2017. *The* *Mask and the Flag:

Populism, Citizenism and Global Protest*.]{style=""}]{#Gerbaudo2017}[[

London: New York: Oxford University Press.]{style=""}]{style=""}

Populism, Citizenism and Global Protest*.]]{#Gerbaudo2017}[[

London: New York: Oxford University Press.]]

[Gerbaudo, Paolo. 2018 (forthcoming). *Pirate Democracy: Net Parties and

Interactive Mass Politics*. London: Pluto Press.]{style=""}

Interactive Mass Politics*. London: Pluto Press.]

[Gershon, Ilana. 2010. Media ideologies: An introduction. *Journal of

Linguistic Anthropology* 20(2): 283-293.]{#Gershon2010}

[Ghonim, Wael. 2012. *Revolution 2.0: The power of the people is greater

than the people in power: A memoir*.]{#Ghonim2012} [Boston]{style=""}[:

Houghton Mifflin Harcourt.]{style=""}

than the people in power: A memoir*.]{#Ghonim2012} [Boston][:

Houghton Mifflin Harcourt.]

[Hands, Joss. 2011. *@ is for activism: Dissent, resistance and

rebellion in a digital culture*.]{#Hands2011} [London]{style=""}[: Pluto

Press.]{style=""}

rebellion in a digital culture*.]{#Hands2011} [London][: Pluto

Press.]

[Juris, Jeffrey S. 2008. *Networking Futures: The movements against

corporate globalization*.]{#Juris2008} [Durham]{style=""}[,

NC]{style=""}[: Duke University Press.]{style=""}

corporate globalization*.]{#Juris2008} [Durham][,

NC][: Duke University Press.]

[Juris, Jeffrey S. 2012. Reflections on\# Occupy Everywhere: Social

media, public space, and emerging logics of aggregation. *American

Ethnologist* 39(2): 259-279.]{#Juris2012}

[Karatzogianni, Athina. 2015. *Firebrand Waves of Digital Activism

1994-2014*.]{#Karatzogianni2015} [London]{style=""}[: Palgrave Macmillan

UK.]{style=""}

1994-2014*.]{#Karatzogianni2015} [London][: Palgrave Macmillan

UK.]

[Kavada, Anastasia. 2013. Internet Cultures and Protest Movements: The

cultural links between strategy, organizing and online communication.

In: *Mediation and Protest Movements*, edited by Bart Cammaerts, Alice

Mattoni and Patrick McCurdy, 75-94.]{#Kavada2013} [London]{style=""}[:

Intellect.]{style=""}

Mattoni and Patrick McCurdy, 75-94.]{#Kavada2013} [London][:

Intellect.]

[Lim, Merlyna. 2012. Clicks, Cabs, and Coffee Houses: Social media and

oppositional movements in]{#Lim2012} [Egypt]{style=""}[, 2004-2011.

*Journal of Communication* 62(2): 231-248.]{style=""}

oppositional movements in]{#Lim2012} [Egypt][, 2004-2011.

*Journal of Communication* 62(2): 231-248.]

[Lovink, Geert. 2011. *Network Without a Cause: A critique of social

media*.]{#Lovink2011} [London]{style=""}[: Polity Press.]{style=""}

media*.]{#Lovink2011} [London][: Polity Press.]

[Lundby, Knut. 2009. *Mediatization: Concept, Changes,

Consequences*.]{#Lundby2009} [Bern]{style=""}[: Peter Lang.]{style=""}

Consequences*.]{#Lundby2009} [Bern][: Peter Lang.]

[Marx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. 2002 \[1848\]. *The Communist

Manifesto*.]{#MarxEngels2002} [London]{style=""}[: Penguin.]{style=""}

Manifesto*.]{#MarxEngels2002} [London][: Penguin.]

[Mattoni, Alice. 2016. *Media Practices and Protest Politics: How

precarious workers mobilise*.]{#Mattoni2016} [London]{style=""}[:

Routledge.]{style=""}

precarious workers mobilise*.]{#Mattoni2016} [London][:

Routledge.]

[McLuhan, Marshall and Quentin Fiore. 1967. *The Medium is the Massage:

An inventory of effects.*]{#McLuhanFiore1967} [London]{style=""}[:

Penguin.]{style=""}

An inventory of effects.*]{#McLuhanFiore1967} [London][:

Penguin.]

[McLuhan, Marshall, W. Terrence Gordon, Elena Lamberti, and Dominique

Scheffel-Dunand. 2011. *The Gutenberg Galaxy: The making of typographic

man*.]{#McLuhanetal2011} [Toronto]{style=""}[: University of Toronto

Press.]{style=""}

man*.]{#McLuhanetal2011} [Toronto][: University of Toronto

Press.]

[Menser, Michael, and]{#MenserAronowitz1996} [Stanley]{style=""}

[Menser, Michael, and]{#MenserAronowitz1996} [Stanley]

[Aronowitz. 1996. On cultural studies, science, and technology. In

*Technoscience and Cyberculture*, edited by Stanley Aronowitz, Barbara

Matinsons and Michael Menser, 7-28. London:

Routledge.[]{style=""}]{style=""}

Routledge.[]]

[Morozov, Evgeny. 2009.]{#Morozov2009} [Moldova]{style=""}[\'s Twitter

Revolution. *Foreign Policy* 7(1).]{style=""}

[Morozov, Evgeny. 2009.]{#Morozov2009} [Moldova][\'s Twitter

Revolution. *Foreign Policy* 7(1).]

[Pickard, V.W., 2006. United yet autonomous: Indymedia and the struggle

to sustain a radical democratic network. *Media, Culture & Society*

28(3): 315-336.]{#Pickard2006}

[Postman, Neil. 1985. *Amusing Ourselves to Death*.]{#Postman1985} [New

York]{style=""}[: Penguin.]{style=""}

York][: Penguin.]

[Rodotà, Stefano. 1997. *Tecnopolitica*.]{#Rodota1997}

[Bologna]{style=""}[: Il Mulino.]{style=""}

[Bologna][: Il Mulino.]

[Toret, Javier. 2013. \"Tecnopolítica: la potencia de las multitudes

conectadas. El sistema red 15M, un nuevo paradigma de la política

[Tufekci, Zeynep, and Christopher Wilson. 2012. Social Media and the

Decision to Participate in Political Protest: Observations

from]{#TufekciWilson2012} [Tahrir Square]{style=""}[. *Journal of

Communication* 62(2): 363-379.]{style=""}

from]{#TufekciWilson2012} [Tahrir Square][. *Journal of

Communication* 62(2): 363-379.]

[Turner, Fred. 2010. *From Counterculture to Cyberculture: Stewart

Brand, the Whole Earth Network, and the Rise of Digital

Utopianism*.]{#Turner2010} [Chicago]{style=""}[: University of Chicago

Press.]{style=""}

Utopianism*.]{#Turner2010} [Chicago][: University of Chicago

Press.]

[Van Dijck, José. 2013.*The Culture of Connectivity: A Critical History

of Social Media*.]{#VanDijck2013} [Oxford]{style=""}[: Oxford University

Press.]{style=""}

of Social Media*.]{#VanDijck2013} [Oxford][: Oxford University

Press.]

[Van Loon, Joost. 2002. *Risk and Technological Culture: Towards a

Sociology of Virulence*. Abingdon: Psychology Press.]{#VanLoon2002}

[Wolfson, Todd. 2014. *Digital Rebellion: The Birth of the Cyber

Left*.]{#Wolfson2014} [Champaign]{style=""}[, IL: University of Illinois

Press.]{style=""}

Left*.]{#Wolfson2014} [Champaign][, IL: University of Illinois

Press.]

:::

[\

]{style="font-size: 11pt; font-family: Arial;"}

::: {.Section4}

About the Author

================

the forthcoming volume *The Mask and the Flag: Populism, Citizenism and

Global Protest* (Hurst/OUP 2017). 

Paolo Gerbaudo es un teórico político y cultural estudiando la

transformación de los movimientos sociales y los partidos políticos en

la era digital.  Es el director del Centro por la Cultura Digital en el

_King's College_ de Londres y el autor de _Tweets and the Streets:

Social Media and Contemporary Activism_ \[Tuits y las calles: Los

_social media_ y el activismo contemporáneo\] (Pluto, 2012) y del

próximo a publicarse _The Mask and the Flag: Populism, Citizenism and

Global Protest_ \[La máscara y la bandera: populismo, ciudadanismo y

protesta global\] (Hurts/OUP, 2017).