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http://peerproduction.net/issues/issue-2/peer-reviewed-papers/hacklabs-and-hackerspaces/

· Hacklabs and hackerspaces – tracing two genealogies

**Maxigas**

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1. Introducción
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Pareciese muy prometedor trazar la genealogía de los hackerspaces desde
el punto de vista de los hacklabs, ya que la relación entre estas
escenas a sido raramente discutida y queda en gran parte inexplorada.
Una aproximación sistemática echará luz a muchas diferencias
interesantes y conexiones que pueden ser útiles para practicantes que
busquen nutrir y esparcir la cultura de los hackerspaces, como para
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academicas que buscan conceptualizarlo y entenderlo. En particular, los hackerspaces han probado ser un fenómeno viral que pueden haber llegado al tope de su popularidad, y mientras una nueva ola de fablabs florece, gente como Grenzfurthner y Schneider (2009) han comenzado a hacer preguntas sobre la dirección de estos movimientos.Me gustaría contribuir a este debate sobre la dirección política y los potenciales políticos de los hacklabs y hackerspaces con un paper historiográfico comparativo y crítico. Principalmente estoy interesado en como estas redes entrelazadas de instituciones y comunidades pueden escapar al aparato de captura capitalista,, y como estas potencialidades son condicionadas por un arraigo histórico en varias escenas e historias.
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It seems very promising to chart the genealogy of hackerspaces from the
point of view of hacklabs, since the relationship between these scenes
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have seldom been discussed and largely remains unreflected.A
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methodological examination will highlight many interesting differences
and connections that can be useful for practitioners who seek to foster
and spread the hackerspace culture, as well as for academics who seek to
conceptualise and understand it. In particular, hackerspaces proved to
be a viral phenomenon which may have reached the height of its
popularity, and while a new wave of fablabs spring up, people like
Grenzfurthner and Schneider (2009) have started asking questions about
the direction of these movements. I would like to contribute to this
debate about the political direction and the political potentials of
hacklabs and hackerspaces with a comparative, critical,
historiographical paper. I am mostly interested in how these intertwined
networks of institutions and communities can escape the the capitalist
apparatus of capture, and how these potentialities are conditioned by a
historical embeddedness in various scenes and histories.

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Los hacklabs manifiestan algunos de las mismas características de los hackerspaces, y, de echo, muchas comunidades que estań registradas en hackerspaces.org se identifican también como "hacklabs". Aún más, algunos de los grupos registrados no serían considerados comomo hackerspaces "reales" por la mayoría del resto. De echo, hay un amplio espectro de términos y lugares con un parecido familiar como los "coworking spaces", innovation laboratories", "media labs", "fab labs", "makerspaces", entre otros. No todos ellos están siquiera basados en una comunidad existente, sino que han sido fundados por actores del sistema educativo formal o el sector comercial. Es imposible clarificar todo en un artículo corto. Por lo tanto sólo consideraré aquí hacklabs y hackerspaces conducidos por la comunidad.

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Hacklabs manifest some of the same traits as hackerspaces, and, indeed,
many communities who are registered on hackerspaces.org identify
themselves as “hacklabs” as well. Furthermore, some registered groups
would not be considered to be a “real” hackerspace by most of the
others. In fact, there is a rich spectrum of terms and places with a
family resemblance such as “coworking spaces”, “innovation
laboratories”, “media labs”, “fab labs”, “makerspaces”, and so on. Not
all of these are even based on an existing community, but have been
founded by actors of the formal educational system or commercial sector.
It is impossible to clarify everything in the scope of a short article.
I will therefore only consider community-led hacklabs and hackerspaces
here.

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A pesar del echo de que estos espacios comparten una misma herencia cultural, algunas de sus raícez históricas e ideológicas son diferentes. Esto reulta en una adopción un poco distinta de tecnológias y una sutil divergencia en sus modelos organizacionales. Hisoricamente hablando, los hacklabs comenzaron a mediados de los 90' y se popularizaron a mediados de los 2000'. Los hackerspaces comenzaron a finales de los 90' y se popularizaron en la segunda mitad de los 2000'. Ideológicamente hablando, la mayoría de los hacklabs se han politizado explicitamente como parte de una escena anarchista/autonomista más amplia, mientras que los hackerspaces, desarrollandose en la esphera libertaria de influencia alrededor del Chaos Computer CLub, no se definene necesariamente a sí mismos como abiertamente políticos. Mientras que los participantes en ambas escenas consideran sus actividades como orientadas hacia la liberación del conocimiento tecnológico y sus prácticas relacionadas, la interpretación de lo que "libertad" significa diverge. Un ejemplo concreto de como estas divergencias históricas e ideológicas se plasman, puede encontrarse en el estatus legal de los espacios: mientras que los hacklabs suelen ubicarse en edificios okupados, los hackerspaces son generalmente lugares de alquiler.

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Despite the fact that these spaces share the same cultural heritage,
some of their ideological and historical roots are indeed different.
This results in a slightly different adoption of technologies and a
subtle divergence in their organisational models. Historically speaking,
hacklabs started in the middle of the 1990s and became widespread in the
first half of the 2000s. Hackerspaces started in the late 1990s and
became widespread in the second half of the 2000s. Ideologically
speaking, most hacklabs have been explicitly politicised as part of the
broader anarchist/autonomist scene, while hackerspaces, developing in
the libertarian sphere of influence around the Chaos Computer Club, are
not necessarily defining themselves as overtly political. While
practitioners in both scenes would consider their own activities as
oriented towards the liberation of technological knowledge and related
practices, the interpretations of what is meant by “liberty” diverges.
One concrete example of how these historical and ideological divergences
show up is to be found in the legal status of the spaces: while hacklabs
are often located in squatted buildings, hackerspaces are generally
rented.

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Este papaer comprende tres secciones distintas. Las primeras dos secciones elaboran la genealogía histórica e ideológica de los hacklabs y hackerspaces. La tercer sección unifica lo encontrado con la intención de que eche luz a las diferencias existentes desde un punto de vista contemporáneo. Mientras que las secciones genealógicas son descriptivas, la evaluación en la última sección es normativa, preguntandose como las diferencias identificadas en el paper se juegan desde un punto de vista estratégico en la creacción de espacios, sujetos y tecnologías. postapocalípticos
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This paper is comprised of three distinct sections. The first two
sections draw up the historical and ideological genealogy of hacklabs
and hackerspaces. The third section brings together these findings in
order to reflect on the differences from a contemporary point of view.
While the genealogical sections are descriptive, the evaluation in the
last section is normative, asking how the differences identified in the
paper play out strategically from the point of view of creating
postcapitalist spaces, subjects and technologies.

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Nótese que en la actulidad los términos "hacklab" y "hackerspace" son usados generalmente como sinónimos. Al contrario de la categorización actual, uso hacklabs en su sentido antiguo (1990s) e histórico, con la intención de echar luz a las diferencias históricas e ideológicas que resultan en una aproximación de algún modo diferente a la tecnología.Esto no es un puntillismo lingüístico, sino un intento de permitir un entendimiento mas sutil de los ámbitos y prácticas en consideración. La continua evolución de estos términos, reflejando los cambios sociales que han tenido lugar, se encuentra registrada en Wikipedia. El artículo de Hacklab fue creado en 2006 (Wikipedia contributors, 2010a), el artículo de Hackerspace en 2008 (Wikipedia contributors, 2011). En 2010, el contenido del artículo Hacklab fue unído al artículo de Hackerspace. Esta unión fue justificada en la correspondienta página de discusión (Wikipedia contributors, 2010). Un usuario con el nombre de "Anarkitekt" escribió que "nunca he escuchado o leído nada que implicase que hay una diferencia ideológica entre los términos hackerspace y hacklab" (Wikipedia contributors, 2010b). Por tanto, el tratamiento del tema por parte de las wikipedistas apoya mi planteo de que la proliferación de hackerspaces fue de la mano con el olvido de la historia que intento recapitular aquí.

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Note that at the moment the terms “hacklab” and “hackerspace” are used
largely synonymously. Contrary to prevailing categorisation, I use
hacklabs in their older (1990s) historical sense, in order to highlight
historical and ideological differences that result in a somewhat
different approach to technology. This is not linguistic nitpicking but
meant to allow a more nuanced understanding of the environments and
practices under consideration. The evolving meaning of these terms,
reflecting the social changes that have taken place, is recorded on
Wikipedia. The Hacklab article was created in 2006 (Wikipedia
contributors, 2010a), the Hackerspace article in 2008 (Wikipedia
contributors, 2011). In 2010, the content of the Hacklab article was
merged into the Hackerspaces article. This merger was based on the
rationale given on the corresponding discussion page (Wikipedia
contributors, 2010). A user by the name “Anarkitekt” wrote that “I’ve
never heard or read anything implying that there is an ideological
difference between the terms hackerspace and hacklab” (Wikipedia
contributors, 2010b). Thus the treatment of the topic by Wikipedians
supports my claim that the proliferation of hackerspaces went hand in
hand with a forgetting of the history that I am setting out to
recapitulate here.

![](http://peerproduction.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/figure1Maxigas8.jpg)

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Figura 1. Encuesta de registro de dominios de la lista de hacklabs de hacklabs.org

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Figure 1. Survey of domain registrations of the hacklabs list from
hacklabs.org

2. Hacklabs
-----------

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2. Hacklabs
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El aumento de los hacklabs puede ser atribuído a un número de factores. Para esquematizar su genealogía, no centraremos aquí en dos contextos: el movimiento autonomista y el mediactivismo.Se da un resumido y simplicifado recorrido de estas dos historias, que enfatisa elementos que son importantes desde el punto de vista de la emergencia de los hacklabs. La cultura hacker, de no menos importancia, será tratada en la siguiente sección con más detalle. Una definición de un artículo seminal, de Simon Yuill señala las formas de pensamiento básicas detras de estas iniciaticas (2008):


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The surge of hacklabs can be attributed to a number of factors. In order
to sketch out their genealogy, two contexts will be expanded on here:
the autonomous movement and media activism. A shortened and simplified
account of these two histories are given that emphasises elements that
are important from the point of view of the emergence of hacklabs. The
hacker culture, of no less importance, will be treated in the next
section in more detail. A definition from a seminal article by Simon
Yuill highlights the basic rationales behind these initiatives (2008):

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"Los hacklabs son, mayoritariamente, espacios que funcionan a base de voluntarios proveyendo acceso público y gratuito a computadoras e internet. Usualmente hacen uso de maquinas rekuperadas y recicladas que corren GNU/Linux, y a la vez que proveen acceso a computadoras, la mayoría de los hacklabs tienen talleres funcionando en un rango de temas que va desde uso basico de la computadora e instalación de software GNU/Linux, hasta programación, electronica y radiodifución independiente (o pirata). Los primeros hacklabs se desarrollaron en Europa, usualmente surgiendo de tradiciones de centros sociales okupados y media labs comunales. En Italia se los conecta con los centros sociales autonomistas y en España, Alemania y en los Paises Bajos con movimientos de okupación anarquistas."

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“Hacklabs are, mostly, voluntary-run spaces providing free public access
to computers and internet. They generally make use of reclaimed and
recycled machines running GNU/Linux, and alongside providing computer
access, most hacklabs run workshops in a range of topics from basic
computer use and installing GNU/Linux software, to programming,
electronics, and independent (or pirate) radio broadcast. The first
hacklabs developed in Europe, often coming out of the traditions of
squatted social centres and community media labs. In Italy they have
been connected with the autonomist social centres, and in Spain,
Germany, and the Netherlands with anarchist squatting movements.”

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Los movimientos autónomos surgieron del "shock cultural" (Wallerstein, 2004) de 1968, lo que incluyó una nueva ola de contestaciones contra el capitalismo, tanto en su forma de estado de bienestar como en su forma del Este como "capitalismo burocrático" (Debord [1970], 1977). Estaba vinculado concurrentemente con el levantamiento de las subculturas juveniles. Estaba orientado principalmente hacia la acción directa masiva y el establecimeinto de iniciativas que buscaban proveer una alternativa a las instituciones operadas por el Estado y el Capital. Su característica mas crucial era la auto-organización enfatizando la distribución formal del poder. En los 70', el movimiento autónomo jugó un rol en las políticas de Italia, Alemania y Francia (En orden de importancia) y en menor medida en otros paises europeoscomo Grecia (Wright, 2002). Las bases teóricas son que la clase trabajadora ( luego se generaliza a las oprimidas en general) pueden ser un actor histórico independiente ante el Estado y el Capital, construyendo sus propias estructuras de poder a travez de la autovalirisación y apropiación. Se nutrió del marxismo ortodoxo, el communismo de izquierda y el anarquismo, tanto en términos teóricos como en términos de una continuidad histórica y de contacto direcoto entre estos otros moviemientos. El auge y caída de las organizaciones terroristas de izquierda, que emergió de un contexto similar (como la RAF en Alemania o las Brigadas Rojas en Italia), ha marcado un quiebre en la historia de los movimientos autónomos. Después de esto, se volvieron menos coherentes y más heterogéneos. Dos prácticas específicas que instauraron las autonomistas son la okupación y el mediactivismo (Lotringer Marazzi, 2007).

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The autonomous movement grew out of the “cultural shock” (Wallerstein,
2004) of 1968 which included a new wave of contestations against
capitalism, both in its welfare state form and in its Eastern
manifestation as “bureaucratic capitalism” (Debord [1970], 1977). It was
concurrently linked to the rise of youth subcultures. It was mainly
oriented towards mass direct action and the establishment of initiatives
that sought to provide an alternative to the institutions operated by
state and capital. Its crucial formal characteristic was
self-organisation emphasising the horizontal distribution of power. In
the 1970s, the autonomous movement played a role in the politics of
Italy, Germany and France (in order of importance) and to a lesser
extent in other European countries like Greece (Wright, 2002). The
theoretical basis is that the working class (and later the oppressed in
general) can be an independent historical actor in the face of state and
capital, building its own power structures through self-valorisation and
appropriation. It drew from orthodox Marxism, left-communism and
anarchism, both in theoretical terms and in terms of a historical
continuity and direct contact between these other movements. The rise
and fall of left wing terrorist organisations, which emerged from a
similar milieu (like the RAF in Germany or the Red Brigade in Italy),
has marked a break in the history of the autonomous movements.
Afterwards they became less coherent and more heterogenous. Two specific
practices that were established by autonomists are squatting and media
activism (Lotringer Marazzi, 2007).

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La reapropiación de lugares físicos y de propiedades tiene una historia mucho más largan que el movimiento autónomo. Algunas veces, como es el caso de los asentamientos piratas descrito por Hakim Bey (1995,, 2003), estos lugares han evolucionado en ciudades para "formas de vida" alternativas (Agamben, 1998). La escasez de vivienda luego de la segunda guerra mundial resultó en una oleada de ocupaciones en el Reino Unido (Hinton, 1988) lo que necesariamente tomó un estatuto político y produjo experiencias en comunidad. Sin embargo, la especificidad de la okupación, se basa en la ocupación de casas como comienzo de una estrategia de reinvención de todas las esferas de la vida, mientras se confronta con las autoridades y el "status quo" más comunmente concebido. Mientras que muchas casas funcionaban como casas privadas, centrandoze  en experimentar con estilos de vidas alternativos o simplemente para satisfacer necesidades básicas, otras optaron por jugar un rol en la vida urbana. Estas últimas son llamadas "centros culturales". Un centro cultural proveía espacio para inicitivas que buscaban establecer una alternativa a las instituciones oficiales. Por ejemplo, un "infoshop" sería la alternativa a un "mostrador de informes", librería y archivo, mientras que la "cocina de bicicletas" sería una alternativa a los locales de bicicletas y locales de reparación de bicicletas. Estos dos ejemplos muestran que entre las muchas instituciones a ser remplazadas, dos de las que son operadas por el Estado y el Capital estaban incluidas. Por otro lado, los espacios okupados tanto temporalmente como los mas o menos permanentes servían como bases, y algunas veces líneas de frente, de un conjunto de actividades de protesta.

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The reappropriation of physical places and real estate has a much longer
history than the autonomous movement. Sometimes, as in the case of the
pirate settlements described by Hakim Bey (1995,, 2003), these places
have evolved into sites for alternative “forms of life” (Agamben, 1998).
The housing shortage after the Second World War resulted in a wave of
occupations in the United Kingdom (Hinton, 1988) which necessarily took
on a political character and produced community experiences. However,
the specificity of squatting lay in the strategy of taking occupied
houses as a point of departure for the reinvention of all spheres of
life while confronting authorities and the “establishment” more
generally conceived. While many houses served as private homes,
concentrating on experimenting with alternative life styles or simply
satisfying basic needs, others opted to play a public role in urban
life. The latter are called “social centres”. A social centre would
provide space for initiatives that sought to establish an alternative to
official institutions. For example, the infoshop would be an alternative
information desk, library and archive, while the bicycle kitchen would
be an alternative to bike shops and bike repair shops. These two
examples show that among the various institutions to be replaced, both
those operated by state and capital were included. On the other hand,
both temporary and more or less permanently occupied spaces served as
bases, and sometimes as front lines, of an array of protest activities.

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Con el inicio del neoliberalismo (Harvey, 2005; 2007), las okupas tuvieron que pelear duramente por su territorio, teniendo como resultado las "guerras okupas" de los años 90'. Lo que estaba en juego en estos choques que tenían frecuentemente calles enteras bajo bloqueo, era forzar al Estado y el Capital a reconocer a las okupaciones como una práctica social medianamente legítima. Mientras que el allanamiento y entrada a propiedad privada continuaba siendo ilegal, las okpuas recibian al menos una protección legal temporaria y las disputas debían ser resueltas en una corte, usualmente tomando un largo tiempo para concluirse. La okupación proliferó en ese "area gris" resultante. Prácticas de aplicación, leyes okupas y marcos de trabajo se establecieron el Reino Unido, Catalunia, Paises Bajos y Alemania. Algunos de los centros sociales mas poderosos ( como el EKH en Vienna) y un manojo de escenas fuertes en algunas ciudades (como Barcelona) lograron asegurar su existencia en la primer decada del 21º siglo. Los años recientes han visto una serie de represiones en las últimas zonas de okupaciones populares, como la abolición de las leyes de protección de okupas en los Paises Bajos (Usher,,2010) y discusiones sobre el mismo tema en el Reino Unido (House of Commons,, 2010).

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With the onset of neoliberalism (Harvey, 2005; 2007), squatters had to
fight hard for their territory, resulting in the “squat wars” of the
90s. The stake of these clashes that often saw whole streets under
blockade was to force the state and capital to recognise squatting as a
more or less legitimate social practice. While trespassing and breaking
in to private property remained illegal, occupiers received at least
temporary legal protection and disputes had to be resolved in court,
often taking a long time to conclude. Squatting proliferated in the
resulting ”grey area”. Enforcement practices, squatting laws and
frameworks were established in the UK, Catalonia, Netherlands and
Germany. Some of the more powerful occupied social centres (like the EKH
in Vienna) and a handful of strong scenes in certain cities (like
Barcelona) managed to secure their existence into the first decade of
the 21^st^twenty first century. Recent years saw a series of crackdowns
on the last remaining popular squatting locations such as the
abolishment of laws protecting squatters in the Netherlands (Usher,,
2010) and discussion of the same in the UK (House of Commons,, 2010).

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El mediactivismo se desarrolló por vías similares, sobre la base de una tradición de publicaciones independientes. Adrian Jones (2009) aduce una continuidad no sólo estructural sino también histórica en las prácticas de las radios piratas de los años sesentas y los conflictos de copyright contemporáneos protagonizados por la Pirate Bay. Desde un punto de vista estrictamente del activismo, una importante contribución temprana fue Radio Alice (est., 1976) que emergió desde la escena autonomista en Bologna (Berardi Mecchia, 2007). La radio pirata y su contraparte reformista, las estaciones de radio comunitarias, florecieron desde entonces. Sin embargo, rekuperar las frecuencias de radio era solamente un primer paso. Como explica Dee Dee Halleck, las media activistas pronto comenzaron a hacer uso de los productos electrónicos para el consumidor, como las cámaras filmadoras que se encontraron disponibles en el mercado desde finales de lso ochentas en adelante. Organizaron la producción en colectivos como "Paper Tiger Television" y la distribución en iniciativas desde las bases como "Deep Dish TV" que se focalizaba en tiempo de aire por satélite(Halleck, 1998). El siguiente paso lógico eran las tecnologías de la información y comunicación como las computadoras personales - que aparecían en el mercado en ese mismo tiempo. Era diferente a las cámaras filmadoras en el sentido de que era una herramienta de procesamiento de información para proósitos generales. Con la combinación del acceso a Internet comercial, cambió el panorama de la defensa política y las formas de organización. En la vanguardia de las teorías y prácticas en desarrollo alrededor de las nuevas tecnologías de la comunicación estaba el "Critical Art Ensemble". Empezó con trabajos en video en 1986, pero continuó con otras tecnologías emergentes (Critical Art Ensemble, 2000). Aunque han publicado exclusivamente trabajos basados en Internet como *Diseases of the Consciousness* (1997), su aproximación táctica a los medios (*tactical media*) enfatiza el uso de la herramienta correcta para el trabajo correcto. En 2002 organizaron un taller el Eyebeam de Nueva York, que pertenece a la escena mas amplia de hackerspaces. Las nuevas media activistas jugaron un papel en la emergencia del movimiento de globalisazación alternativa (alterglobalisation), estableciendo la red Indymedia. Indymedia esta compuesta por centros locales de medios independientes y una infraestructura global manteniendolos juntos (Morris 2004 da una descripción justa). Focalizandose en publicaciones abiertas como principio editorial, la iniciativa rápidamente unió e involucrá tantas activistas que devino rapidamente una de las marcas mas reconocidas del movimiento de globalización alternativa, lentamente cayendo a la irrelevancia solamente a finales de la decada. Más o menos paralelo a este desarrollo, el movimiento "telestreet" era encabezado por Franco Berardi, también conocido como Bifo, quien estuvo involucrado en Radio Alice, mencionada con anterioridad. OrfeoTv comenzó en 2002 y usaba recibidores modificados de televisiones comerciales para transmisión televisiva pirata. (ver Telestreet, the Italian Media Jacking Movement, 2005). Aunque la iniciativa Telestreet pasó en una escala mucho menor que los desarrollos esbozados anteriormente, vale la pena señalarla porque las operadoras de Telestreet hicieron ingeniería inversa en productos masivos de la misma manera que lo hacen las hackers.

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Media activism developed along similar lines, building on a long
tradition of independent publishing. Adrian Jones (2009) argues for a
structural but also historical continuity in the pirate radio practices
of the 1960s and contemporary copyright conflicts epitomised by the
Pirate Bay. On the strictly activist front, one important early
contribution was Radio Alice (est., 1976) which emerged from the the
autonomist scene of Bologna (Berardi Mecchia, 2007). Pirate radio and
its reformist counterparts, community radio stations, flourished ever
since. Reclaiming the radio frequency was only the first step, however.
As Dee Dee Halleck explains, media activists soon made use of the
consumer electronic products such as camcorders that became available on
the market from the late 80s onwards. They organised production in
collectives such as Paper Tiger Television and distribution in
grassroots initiatives such as Deep Dish TV which focused on satellite
air time (Halleck, 1998). The next logical step was information and
communication technologies such as the personal computer — appearing on
the market at the same time. It was different from the camcorder in the
sense that it was a general purpose information processing tool. With
the combination of commercially available Internet access, it changed
the landscape of political advocacy and organising practices. At the
forefront of developing theory and practice around the new communication
technologies was the Critical Art Ensemble. It started with video works
in 1986, but then moved on to the use of other emerging technologies
(Critical Art Ensemble, 2000). Although they have published exclusively
Internet-based works like *Diseases of the Consciousness* (1997), their
*tactical media* approach emphasises the use of the right tool for the
right job. In 2002 they organised a workshop in New York’s Eyebeam,
which belongs to the wider hackerspace scene. New media activists played
an integral part in the emergence of the alterglobalisation movement,
establishing the Indymedia network. Indymedia is comprised of local
Independent Media Centres and a global infrastructure holding it
together (Morris 2004 gives a fair description). Focusing on open
publishing as an editorial principle, the initiative quickly united and
involved so many activists that it became one of the most recognised
brands of the alterglobalisation movement, only slowly falling into
irrelevance around the end of the decade. More or less in parallel with
this development, the telestreet movement was spearheaded by Franco
Berardi, also known as Bifo, who was also involved in Radio Alice,
mentioned above. OrfeoTv was started in 2002 and used modified
consumer-grade television receivers for pirate television broadcast (see
Telestreet, the Italian Media Jacking Movement, 2005). Although the
telestreet initiative happened on a much smaller scale than the other
developments outlined above, it is noteworthy because telestreet
operators reverse-engineered mass products in the same manner as
hardware hackers do.

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Siguiendo el ejemplo del Situacionismo con su idea principal de hacer intervenciones en los flujos de comunicación como punto de partida, las media activistas buscaron expandir lo que llamaban "interferencia cultural" en una práctica popular enfatizando elementos folclóricos(Critical Art Ensemble, 2001). Similarmente a las iniciativas educacionales proletarias de los movimientos de trabajadores clásicos (Por ejemplo Burgmann 2005:8 en Proletarian Schools), este acercamiento puso en primer plano los temas de acceso, regulación de frecuencia, educación popular, políticas editoriales y creatividad en masa, todos los cuales apuntaban en la dirección de bajar las barrerars de la participación de la producción cultural y tecnológica conjuntamente con establecer una infraestructura de comunicación distribuida para organizaciones anticapitalistas. Muchas media activisatas adirieron a alguna versión de la teoría de la hegemonía cultural de Gramsci, tomando la posición de que el trabajo cultural y educacional es tan importante como desafiar directamente las relaciones de propiedad. De hecho, este trabajo era visto como una continuación del vuelco de esas relaciones de propiedad en el área de los medios, cultura y tecnología. Esta tendencia a acentuar la importancia de la información para los mecanismos del cambio social fue fortalezida por las afirmaciones popularizadas por Michael Hardt y Antonio Negri de que el trabajo inmaterial y linguístico son el modo hegemónico de producción en la configuración contemporánea del capitalismo (2002, 2004). En el final extremo de este espectro, algunas argumentaban que elementos decisivos de la política dependen de performances de representación,  usualmente mediatizadas, ubicando al media-activismo en el centro de la lucha contra el Estado y el Capital. Independientemente de estas creencias ideológicas, sin embargo, lo que distinguió a las practicantes de medios en terminos de identidad es que no se veían a si mismas simplemete como extranjeras o proveedoras de servicios, sino como una parte integral del movimiento social.Como deuestra Söderberg (2001), las convicciones políticas de una comunidad de usuarias puede ser una habilitadora usualmente desestima de creatividad tecnológica.

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Taking a cue from Situationism with its principal idea of making
interventions in the communication flow as its point of departure, the
media activists sought to expand what they called “culture jamming” into
a popular practice by emphasising a folkloristic element (Critical Art
Ensemble, 2001). Similarly to the proletarian educational initiatives of
the classical workers’ movements (for example Burgmann 2005:8 on
Proletarian Schools), such an approach brought to the fore issues of
access, frequency regulations, popular education, editorial policies and
mass creativity, all of which pointed in the direction of lowering the
barriers of participation for cultural and technological production in
tandem with establishing a distributed communication infrastructure for
anticapitalist organising. Many media activists adhered to some version
of Gramsci’s theory of cultural hegemony, taking the stand that cultural
and educational work is as important as directly challenging property
relations. Indeed, this work was seen as in continuation with
overturning those property relations in the area of media, culture and
technology. This tendency to stress the importance of information for
the mechanism of social change was further strengthened by claims
popularised by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri that immaterial and
linguistic labour are the hegemonic mode of production in the
contemporary configuration of capitalism (2002, 2004). At the extreme
end of this spectrum, some argued that decisive elements of politics
depend on a performance of representation, often technologically
mediated, placing media activism at the centre of the struggle against
state and capitalism. Irrespectivly of these ideological beliefs,
however, what distinguished the media practitioners in terms of identity
is that they did not see themselves simply as outsiders or service
providers, but as an integral part of a social movement. As Söderberg
demonstrates (2011), political convictions of a user community can be an
often overlooked enabler of technological creativity.

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Estas dos tendencias entrelazadas se juntaron en la creación de los hacklabs. Las okupas, por un lado, incrustadas en los flujos urbanos de vida, tuvieron que usar infraestructuras de comunicación como el acceso a Internet y terminales de acceso público. Las media-activistas, por el otro lado, quienes estaban frecuentemente emplazadas en una comunidad local, necesitaban lugares para convocar, producir, enseñar y aprender.Como observa Marion Hamm cuando discute como los espacios físicos y virtuales se enredaron debido al uso de las activistas de los medios electrónicos de comunicación: " Esta práctica no es una realidad virtual como lo fue imaginada en los ochentas en tanto una simulación gráfica de la realidad. Ocurre en tanto en el teclado, como en los talleres técnicos, en las calles y en centros mediáticos temporales, en carpas, en centros socio-culturales y en casas okupadas."(Traducido por Aileen Derieg,, 2003). Un ejemplo de como convergen estas líneas es el Ultralab en Forte Prenestino, una fortaleza ocupada en Roma que es tambíen reconocida por sus políticas autónomas en Italia. Han declarado en su sitio web que el Ultralab es un "patrón emergente"(AvANa.net, 2005), uniendo varias necesidades tecnológicas de las comunidades apoyadas por el Forte. Las usuarias del centro social tienen una necesidad compartida de una red de area local de computadoras que conecte varios espacios en la okupación., de servidores para hostear páginas webs y listas de mails de los grupos locales, de instalar y mantener terminales de acceso público, de tener espacios de officina para los equipos gráficos y de prensa, y finalmente de tener un lugar de encuentro para compartir conocimiento. El punto de partida para este desarrollo fue el cuarto de servidores de AvANa, que empezó como un sistema de tablón de anuncios (BBS), que es, en 1994 un tablón de mensajes de acceso telefónico.(Bazichelli 2008:80-81). Como lo recuerda la video activista Agnese Trocchi, 

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These two intertwined tendencies came together in the creation of
hacklabs. Squats, on the one hand, closely embedded in the urban flows
of life, had to use communication infrastructures such as Internet
access and public access to terminals. Media activists, on the other
hand, who are more often than not also grounded in a a local community,
needed venues to convene, produce, teach and learn. As Marion Hamm
observes when discussing how physical and virtual spaces enmeshed due to
the activists’ use of electronic media communication: “This practice is
not a virtual reality as it was imagined in the eighties as a graphical
simulation of reality. It takes place at the keyboard just as much as in
the technicians’ workshops, on the streets and in the temporary media
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centres, in tents, in socio-cultural centres and squatted houses.” 
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(Translated by Aileen Derieg,, 2003). One example of how these lines
converge is the Ultralab in Forte Prenestino, an occupied fortress in
Rome which is also renowned for its autonomous politics in Italy. The
Ultralab is declared to be an “emergent pattern” on its website
(AvANa.net, 2005), bringing together various technological needs of the
communities supported by the Forte. The users of the social centre have
a shared need for a local area computer network that connects the
various spaces in the squat, for hosting server computers with the
websites and mailing lists of the local groups, for installing and
maintaining public access terminals, for having office space for the
graphics and press teams, and finally for having a gathering space for
the sharing of knowledge. The point of departure for this development
was the server room of AvANa, which started as a bulletin board system
(BBS), that is, a dial-in message board in 1994 (Bazichelli 2008:80-81).
As video activist Agnese Trocchi remembers,

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"La BBS AvANa estaba esparciendo el concepto de Telemática Subversiva: derecho al anonimáto, acceso para todas y democracias digital. La BBS AvANa estaba fisicamente localizada en Forte Prenestino el mas grande y viejo espacio okupado en Roma. Entonces al final de los 90' me encontré a mi misma trabajando con tecnología y el espacio imaginativo que la misma estaba abriendo en las jóvenes y enojadas mentes de las integrantes de las comunidades okupas, las activistas y delirantes." (citado en Willemsen, 2006)

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“AvANa BBS was spreading the concept of Subversive Thelematic: right to
anonymity, access for all and digital democracy. AvANa BBs was
physically located in Forte Prenestino the older and bigger squatted
space in Rome. So at the end of the 1990’s I found myself working with
technology and the imaginative space that it was opening in the young
and angry minds of communities of squatters, activist and ravers.”
(quoted in Willemsen, 2006)

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AvANa y Forte Prenestino se conectaron a la Contra Red Europea (ahora en ecn.org), la cual conectaba varios centros sociales okupados en Italia, proveyendo canales seguros de comunicación y presencia pública electrónica resiliente de los grupos antifacistas, el movimiento Disobbedienti, y otros grupos afiliados con las escenas okupa y autonónoma. Localizando los nodos dentro de las okupaciones tenía sus desventajas, pero también proveía un cierto nivel de seguridad física y política frente a las autoridades.

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AvANa and Forte Prenestino connected to the European Counter Network
(now at ecn.org), which linked several occupied social centres in Italy,
providing secure communication channels and resilient electronic public
presence to antifascist groups, the Disobbedienti movement, and other
groups affiliated with the autonomous and squatting scenes. Locating the
nodes inside squats had their own drawbacks, but also provided a certain
level of physical and political protection from the authorities.

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Otro ejemplo más reciente de corta duración, es la Hackney Crack House, un hacklab localizado en 95 Mare Street en London. Esta okupación situada en una casa de estilo Georgiana, y estaba compuesta por un edificio de teatro, un bar, dos niveles de espacios de vivienda y un sótano que tenía un taller de bicicletas y espacio para un estudio (see Foti, 2010). El hacklab preveía una red de area local y un servidor de medios para la casa, y servía como un espacio de toqueteo para las inclinadas hacia la tecnología.Durante eventos como el "Free School", las participantes, incluyendo tanto a novatas absolutas como a hobbistas mas dedicadas, podían aprender a usar tecnologías libres y de código abierto, seguridade de redes y testeo de penetración. En base diaria las actividades iban desde arreglar aparátos electronicos rotos pasando por la construcción de instalaciones de medios combinados a gran escala, hasta jugar a juegos de computadora.

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Another, more recent example is the short lived Hackney Crack House, a
hacklab located on 195 Mare Street in London. This squat situated in an
early Georgian house was comprised of a theatre building, a bar, two
stores of living spaces and a basement that housed a bicycle workshop
and a studio space (see Foti, 2010). The hacklab provided a local area
network and a media server for the house, and served as a tinkering
space for the technologically inclined. During events like the Free
School, participants, including both absolute beginners and more
dedicated hobbyists, could learn to use free and open source
technologies, network security and penetration testing. Everyday
activities ranged from fixing broken electronics through building
large-scale mixed media installations to playing computer games.

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Las descripciones presentadas con anterioridad sirven para indicar como los hacklabs surgieron de las necesidades y aspiraciones de las okupas y media-activistas. Esta historía arrastra una serie de consecuencias. Primeramente, que los hacklabs entraban organicamente en el ethos anti-institucional cultivado por la gente en los espacios autónomos. En segundo lugar, estaban incrustados en el régimen político de los espacios, y eran sometidas a las mismas formas de frágil soveranía política que dichos proyectos desarrollaron. Tanto Forte Prenestino y Mare Street han escrito y des-escrito formas de comportarse que se esperaba que las usuarias siguieran. Esta última okupación había promocionado "Políticas de lugares mas seguros", declarando por ejemplo que la gente que exibía comportamientos sexistas, racistas o autoritarios debiera esperar ser confrontada, y si fuese necesario, excluida. En tercer lugar, la lógica politicada de las okupaciones, y mas especificamente la ideología detrás del anarchismo apropiativo, tuvo también sus consecuencias. Un centro social designado para ser una institución pública, cuya legitimidad yace en servir a su audiencia y barrio, si fuese posible de mejor manera de lo que lo hacen las autoridades locales, por lo cual el riesgo de desalojo es de alguna manera reducido. Por último,el estado de okupación fomenta un ambiente de complicidad. Consecuentemente, ciertas formas de ilegalidad son vistas como al menos necesarias, o algunas veces hasta deseable. Estos factores son cruciales para entender las diferencias entre hacklabs y hackerspaces, que será discutida en la sección 3.
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The descriptions given above serve to indicate how hacklabs grew out of
the needs and aspirations of squatters and media activists. This history
comes with a number of consequences. Firstly, that the hacklabs fitted
organically into the anti-institutional ethos cultivated by people in
the autonomous spaces. Secondly, they were embedded in the political
regime of these spaces, and were subject to the same forms of frail
political sovereignty that such projects develop. Both Forte Prenestino
and Mare Street had written and unwritten conducts of behaviour which
users were expected to follow. The latter squat had an actively
advertised Safer Places Policy, stating for instance that people who
exhibit sexist, racist, or authoritive behaviour should expect to be
challenged and, if necessary, excluded. Thirdly, the politicised logic
of squatting, and more specifically the ideology behind appropriative
anarchism, had its consequences too. A social centre is designated to be
a public institution whose legitimacy rests on serving its audience and
neighbourhood, if possibly better than the local authorities do, by
which the risk of eviction is somewhat reduced . Lastly, the state of
occupation fosters a milieu of complicity. Consequently, certain forms
of illegality are seen as at least necessary, or sometimes even as
desirable. These factors are crucial for understanding the differences
between hacklabs and hackerspaces, to be discussed in Section 3.

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Una rudimentaria encuesta basada en los registros a páginas (ver Figura 1. en el apéndice), investigación de escritorio y entrevistas muestra que los primeros hacklabs fueron establecidos en la decada alrededor del cambio de milenio (1995-2005). Su concentración en el Sur de Europa ha sido señalada por la organización de los "hackmeetins" anuales en Italia, que comenzaron en 1998. El Hackmeeting es un encuentro donde las practicantes pueden intercambiar conocimiento, conocer su trabajo, y disfrutar de la compañia de las otras. En Europa del Norte "plug n' politx", anfitrionada primero por "Egocity" (un cyber-cafe okupado en Zurich, Suiza) proveyó un punto de encuentro para proyectos afines en 2001. Bajo el mismo nombre se estableció una red, a la que le siguió un segundo encuentro en 2004 en Barcelona. Mientras tanto, Hacklabs.org (difunta desde 2006) fue montada en el 2002 para mantener una lista de hacklabas, vivos o muertos, y probeer noticias e infomación básica sobre el movimiento. Una revisión de las actividades publicitadas de los hacklabs, muestra talleres organizados alrededor de temas como el desarrollo de software libre, seguridad y anonimato, arte electrónico y producciones mediáticas.

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A rudimentary survey based on website registrations (see Figure 1. in
the appendix), desktop research and interviews shows that the first
hacklabs were established in the decade around the turn of the
millennium (1995-2005). Their concentration to South Europe has been
underlined by the organisation of yearly Hackmeetings in Italy, starting
in 1998. The Hackmeeting is a gathering where practitioners can exchange
knowledge, present their work, and enjoy the company of each other. In
North Europe plug’n’politix, hosted first by Egocity (a squatted
Internet cafe in Zurich, Switzerland) provided a meeting point for
like-minded projects in 2001. A network by the same name was established
and a second meeting followed in 2004 in Barcelona. In the meantime,
Hacklabs.org (defunct since, 2006) was set up in 2002 to maintain a list
of hacklabs, dead or alive, and provide news and basic information about
the movement. A review of the advertised activities of hacklabs show
workshops organised around topics like free software development,
security and anonymity, electronic art and media production.

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Las actividades de Print, un hacklab localizado en una okupación en Dijon, que se llama "Les Tanneries", muestra el tipo de contribuciones que surgieron de estos lugares. La gente activa en Print han mantenido un laboratorio de computadoras con con acceso a internet gratuito para visitantes del centro social, y una colección de componentes de computadoras viejos que los invididuos pueden usar para construir sus propias computadoras. Han organizado eventos de distintos tamaños (de un par de personas hasta mil) relacionado con el software libre, como una fiesta para arreglar los últimos "bugs" restantes en el próximo lanzamiento del sistema operativo Debian GNU/Linux. Además, han proveído soporte de red y distribuido computadoras con acceso a Internet en el "European gathering of Peoples’ Global Action", un encuentro a nivel mundial de activistas de base conectados al movimiento de globalización alternativa. En una veta similar, han realizado varias protestas en la ciudad llamando la atención hacia temas relacionados con la vigilancia estatal y legislaciones de copyright.Estas acciones han construido una tradición de montar instalaciones arísticas en varios lugares dentro y alrededor del edificio, el ejemplo mas chocante es el grafitti enorme en el cortafuegos que dice “apt-get install anarchism”. Que es un broma técnica aludiendo a la manera en la que los programas son installados en el sistema Debian, tan técnica que de hecho funciona.

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The activities of Print, a hacklab located in a squat in Dijon which is
called Les Tanneries, show the kinds of contributions that came out of
these places. People active in Print have maintained a computer lab with
free Internet access for visitors to the social centre, and a collection
of old hardware parts that individuals could use to build their own
computers. They have organised events of various sizes (from a couple of
people to a thousand) related to free software, like a party for fixing
the last bugs in the upcoming release of the Debian GNU/Linux operating
system. Furthermore, they have provided network support and distributed
computers with Internet access at a European gathering of Peoples’
Global Action, a world-wide gathering of grassroots activists connected
to the alterglobalisation movement. In a similar vein, they have staged
various protests in the city calling attention to issues related to
state surveillance and copyright legislations. These actions have built
on a tradition of setting up artistic installations in various places in
and around the building, the most striking example being the huge
graffiti on the firewall spelling out “apt-get install anarchism”. It is
a practical joke on how programs are set up on Debian systems, so
practical that it actually works.

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Otro ejemplo de el Sur de Europa es Riereta en Barcelona, un hacklab okupando un edificio separado que hace de anfitrión a un estudio de radio manejado por mujeres. Las actividades ahí, gravitan alrededor tres ejes, software libre, tecnología, y creatividad artística. Sin embargo, como un testimonio de la influencia  del media-activismo, la mayoría de los proyectos y eventos están concentrados en producción de mediática, como el procesamiento en tiempo real de audio y video, transmitiendo y haciendo campaña contra el copyright y otras restricciones a la distribución libre de información. La lista de ejemplos podría facilmente hacerse mas larga, demostrando que la mayorñia de los hacklabs comparten ideas y prácticas similares y mantienen vínculos con las políticas de globalización alternativa, espacios okupados y (el nuevo) media-activismo.

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Another example from South Europe is Riereta in Barcelona, a hacklab
occupying a separate building that hosts a radio studio ran by women.
The activities there gravitate around the three axes of free software,
technology, and artistic creativity. However, as a testimony of the
influence from media activism, most projects and events are concentrated
on media production, such as real time audio and video processing,
broadcasting and campaigning against copyright and other restrictions to
free distribution of information. The list of examples could easily be
made longer, demonstrating that most hacklabs share similar ideas and
practicesand maintains links with alterglobalisation politics, occupied
spaces and (new) media activism.

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En resumen, debido a su situación histórica en los movimientos anticapitalistas y las barreras de acceso a la infraestructura de comunicación contemporanea, los hacklabs tienden a focalizarse en la adopción de redes de computadora y tecnologías mediáticas para usos políticos, esparciendo acceso a desposeídos y la defensa de la creatividad popular. 
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3. Hackerspaces
---------------

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Es probablemente una observación certera afirmar que los hackerspaces están en el tope de su popularidad en este momento. Como mencionamos en la introducción, muchas instituciones e iniciativas diferentes se llaman a sí mismas "hackerspaces". Por lo menos en Europa, Hay un núcleo de proyectos más o menos dirigidos por la comunidad que se definen a sí mismos como hackerspaces.El caso de los hacklabs ya fue descripto, pero es meramente un ejemplo del extremamente amplio espectro político. Existen una serie de variaciones poblando el mundo, como son los fablabs, makerlabs, telecottages, medialabs, laboratorios de innovación y espacios de co-working. Lo que distingue a los ultimos dos del resto ( y posiblemente también de los fablabs) es que están armados en un contexto institucional, ya sea una universidad, una compañia o una fundación. Y la mayoría de las veces su misión es la de adoptar innovaciones. Tales espacios tienden a focalizarse en resultados concretos como proyectos de investigación o productos comerciales.  "Telecottages" y "telehouses" están a la mitad del espectro. Están típicamente financiadas por fondos de desarrollo para mejorar a través de las TICs las condiciones sociales y económicas locales. Inclusive los makerlabas son algunas veces gestaciones comerciales ( como Fablab en Budapest, que no debe confundirse con el Centro Autónomo Hungariano para el Conocimiento mencionado anteriormente), basado en la idea de proveer como servicio acceso a herramientas para para compañias e individuos. Los Fablabs pueden ser la nueva generación en la evolución de los hackerspaces, faocalizandose en la manufactura de proyectos de construcción personalizada. Esta encuadrado como una fábrica repensada a partir de la inspiración del modelo de producción de pares (MIT’s Center for Bits and Atoms, 2007). Lo que caracteriza a los hackerspaces - junto con la mayoría de los fablabs - es que están armados por hackers y para hackers con la misión principal de apoyar el hackeo.

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It is probably safe to state that hackerspaces are at the height of
their popularity at the moment. As mentioned in the introduction, many
different institutions and initiatives are now calling themselves
“hackerspaces”. At least in Europe, there is a core of more or less
community-led projects that define themselves as hackerspaces. The case
of hacklabs have already been described, but it is merely one example
from the extreme end of the political spectrum. There are a number of
more variations populating the world, such as fablabs, makerlabs,
telecottages, medialabs, innovation labs and co-working spaces. What
distinguishes the last two from the others (and possibly also from
fablabs) is that they are set up in the context of an institution, be
that a university, a company or a foundation. More often than not ,
their mission is to foster innovation. Such spaces tend to focus on
concrete results like research projects or commercial products.
Telecottages and telehouses occupy the middle of the range- They are
typically seeded from development funds to improve local social and
economic conditions through ICTs. Even makerlabs are sometimes
commercial ventures (like Fablab in Budapest, not to be confused with
the Hungarian Autonomous Centre for Knowledge mentioned above), based on
the idea of providing access to tools for companies and individuals as a
service. Fablabs may be the next generation of the hackerspace
evolution, focusing on manufacturing of custom built objects. It is
framed as a re-imagining of the factory with inspiration from the peer
production model (MIT’s Center for Bits and Atoms, 2007). What sets
hackerspaces apart — along with most fablabs — is that they are set up
by hackers for hackers with the principal mission of supporting hacking.

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Este es por lo tanto, el momento apropiado del paper para centrarnos en el aspecto social e histórico del fenómeno del hacking. Esto no quiere decir que los hacklabs - como lo indica su nombre - estarían menos involucrados en una tradición inspirada por hackers. Podría hacerse un estudio separado dedicado al entrelazamiento de esos dos movimientos en el movimiento del sofware libre. Sin embargo,  ya que lso dos movimienos contribuyen en igual medida pero de distintas maneras, este aspecto no será elaborado aquí en extensión ya que dicho contraste sería difícil de reflejar. Por lo tanto se asume que muhco de lo que dice aquí sobre cultura hacker y su influencia en el movimiento de hackerspaces aplica igualmente a los hacklabs.

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This is therefore the right point in the paper to dwelve on the social
and historical phenomena of hacking. This is not to say that hacklabs —
as is indicated by their name — would be less involved in and inspired
by the hacker tradition. A separate study could be devoted to these two
movements’ embeddedness in the free software movement. However, since
both movements are contributing to an equal extent but in different
ways, this aspect will not be elaborated here at length as the contrast
would be more difficult to tease out. It is hence assumed that much of
what is said here about hacker culture and its influence on the
hackerspace movement applies equally to hacklabs.

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Los comienzos de la cultura hacker están bien documentados. También comienza, interesantemente, en los años 60' y se esparce en los 70', similarmente a la historia del movimiento autnomo. De hecho, en algún sentido puede ser considerada como una de las culturas juveniles que Wallerstein atribuye al "shock cultural" de 1968 (2004). Para no perderse en la mitología, mantendremos la historia corta y esquemática. Un semillero pareciese haber sido la cultura universitaria personificada por el Laboratorio de Inteligencia Articial del MIT y cultivada en media dozena de otros institutos de investigación alrededor de los EEUU. Otra fue la escena "phreaker" la cual se encuentra expresada en la revista de corte Yippie "TAP". Mientras que los anteriores se encontraban trabajando en descubrimientos de ingeniería como las primeras computadoras y sistemas operativos, o como redes precursoras a la Internet, estos últimos hacían lo opuesto: hacían ingeniería inversa para obtener información y tecnologías de comunicación, que en la época principalmente eran redes telefónicas. En 1984 ATT se separa en compañias mas chicas - la "Baby Bells", pero no antes de que partes importantes de la red fuesen apagadas por phreakers (Slatalla Quittner 1995, Sterling, 1992). El mismo año supo ver, el último número de TAP y el primer número de la revista 2600, aún activa. La cultura universitaria fue preservada en el *Jargon File* en 1975 el cual todavía es mantenido (Steele Raymond, 1996). Fue el inventor del Cyberpunk, William Gibson, el que popularizó el término cyberespacio en su novela Neuromancer. Inspiró por lo tanto, la cultura cyberpunk que dió un completo - sino "real" - Weltanschauung (Visión del mundo) a la cultura hacker. La idea de un futuro oscuro, donde la libertad sólo puede encontrarse en los bordes y las corporaciones gobiernan el mundo, llamaba tanto a los hackers de universidad como a los prheakers. Las estrellas del underground "prheaker" habían sido perseguidas por las autoridades legales por sus "pranks" a los gigantes de la comunicación, mientras que Richard Stallman - " la última de [la primer generación] las verdaderas hackers" (Levy [1984], 2001) - inventó el software libre en 1983 y establece la lucha contra la privatización creciente del conocimiento por parte de las corporaciones, que podía verse en aquel entonces en la expansión de las demandas de copyright de software, el esparcimiento de arreglos de confidencialidad, 
y la "proliferación" de compañias "start-up".
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The beginnings of the hacker subculture are well-documented.
Interestingly, it also starts in the 1960s and spreads out in the 1970s,
much like the history of the autonomous movement. Indeed, in a sense it
can be considered as one of the youth subcultures which Wallerstein
attributes to the “cultural shock” of 1968 (2004). In order not to be
lost in the mythology, the story will be kept brief and schematic. One
hotbed seems to have been the university culture epitomised by the MIT
Artificial Intelligence Laboratory and cultivated in half a dozen other
research institutes around the USA. Another one was the phreaker scene
that found its expression in the Yippie spinoff magazine TAP. While the
former were working on engineering breakthroughs such as early computers
and operating systems, as well as on networks precursoring the Internet,
the latter were doing the opposite: reverse-engineering information and
communication technologies, which mainly meant telephone networks at the
time. In 1984 ATT was broken into smaller companies — the Baby Bells,
but not before important parts of the network had been shut down by
phreakers (Slatalla Quittner 1995, Sterling, 1992). The same year saw
the last issue of TAP and the first issue of the still active 2600
magazine. The university culture was preserved in the *Jargon File* in
1975 which is still maintained (Steele Raymond, 1996). It was the
inventor of cyberpunk, William Gibson, popularised the term cyberspace
in his novel Neuromancer. He thus inspired the cyberpunk subculture
which gave a complete — if not “real” — Weltanschauung to hacker
culture. The idea of a dark future where freedom is found on the fringes
and corporations rule the world spoke to both the university hackers and
the phreakers. The stars of the phreaking underground had been
persecuted by law authorities for their pranks on the communication
giants, while Richard Stallman — “the last of the [first generation of]
true hackers” (Levy [1984], 2001) — invented free software in 1983 and
set out to fight the increasing privatisation of knowledge by
corporations, as could then be seen in the expansion of copyright claims
to software, the spread of non-disclosure agreements, and the
mushrooming of start-up companies.

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La historia del movimiento hacker en Europa, no ha sido tan bien documentada. Una instancia importante es el Chaos Computer Club que fue fundado en 1981 por Wau Holland y otras integrantes del grupo editorial del diario de una Zona Temporalmente Autónoma en un edificio de Kommune I., una famosa okupación autónoma (Anon, 2008:85). El Chaos Computer Club pasó a la luz en 1984. Las hackers pertenecientes al club se habían transferido 134,000 Marcos Alemane a través del sistema nacional de videotex, llamado Bildschirmtext o BTX. La Oficina Postal tenía un monopólio de hecho en el mecado con este producto obsoleto, y aseguraba mantener una red segura inclusive despues de haber sido notificados sobre el exploit. El dinero fue devuelto al otro día en frente de la prensa. Esto comenzó la relación tumultuosa del Club con el govierno alemán, que dura hasta estos días.

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The history of the hacker movement in Europe has been less well
documented. An important instance is the Chaos Computer Club which was
founded in 1981 by Wau Holland and others sitting in the editorial room
of the taz paper in the building of Kommune I., a famous autonomous
squat (Anon, 2008:85). The Chaos Computer Club entered into the
limelight in 1984. Hackers belonging to the club had wired themselves
134,000 Deutsche Marks through the national videotex system, called
Bildschirmtext or BTX. The Post Office had practical monopoly on the
market with this obsolete product, and claimed to maintain a secure
network even after it had been notified about the exploit. The money was
returned the next day in front of the press. This began the Club’s
tumultuous relationship with the German government that lasts until
today.

In their study of the hacker culture, Gabriella Coleman and Alex Golub
have argued that as far as it hangs together, this subculture manifests
an innovative yet historically determined version of liberalism, while
in its manifold trends it expresses and exploits some of the
contradictions inherent to the same political tradition (2008). They
concentrate on three currents of hacker practice: cryptofreedom, free
and open source software, and the hacker underground. However, they do
not claim that these categories would exhaust the richness of hacker
culture. On the contrary, in a review article in the Atlantic, Coleman
(2010) explicitly mentions that the information security scene has been
underrepresented in the literature about hackers. The three tendencies
identified in their text differ slightly from the classification I am
suggesting here. Stallman’s legal invention and technical project
cemented free software as one pillar of hackerdom for the coming
decades. The exploits of the phreakers opened a way for the hacker
underground where its initial playfulness developed in two directions,
towards profit or politics.

In Europe, the stance of the Chaos Computer Club paved the way for
independent information security research. Admittedly, all of those
approaches concentrated on a specific interpretation of individual
freedom, one which understands freedom as a question of knowledge.
Moreover, this knowledge is understood to be produced and circulated in
a network of humans and computers — in direct contrast to the version of
liberalism associated with romantic individualism, as Coleman and Golub
observes. Therefore, this is a technologically informed antihumanist
liberalism. Hackers carve out different positions within these
parameters that sometimes complement and sometimes contradict each
other. The free software community sees the universal access to
knowledge as the essential condition of freedom. The hacker underground
wields knowledge to ensure the freedom of an individual or a faction.
“Gray hat” information security experts see full disclosure as the best
way to ensure the stability of the infrastructure, and thus the freedom
of communication. Full disclosure refers to the practice of releasing
information and tools revealing security flaws to the public. This idea
goes back to the tradition of 19th century locksmiths, who maintained
that the best locks are built on widely understood principles instead of
secrets: the only secret, to be kept private, should be the key itself
(Hobbs, Tomlinson Fenby [1853] 1868:2 cited in Blaze 2003 as well as
Cheswick, Bellovin Rubin 2003:120). The idea that freedom depends on
knowledge and, in turn, knowledge depends on freedom, is articulated in
the hackers aphorism attributed to Stewart Brand: “Information wants to
be free.” (Clarke, 2001).

During the course of the 1990s the hacker world saw the setting up of
institutions that have been in place up until now. From all three
sub-traditions mentioned above have grown distinct industries, catering
to fully employed professionals, precarious workers, and enthusiasts
alike. The Electronic Frontier Foundation was established in 1990 in the
United States to defend and promote hacker values through legal support,
policy work and specific educational and research projects. It occupies
a position very different but comparable to the Chaos Computer Club in
Europe. Early EFF discourse like John Perry Barlow’s *A Declaration of
the Independence of Cyberspace* invokes the Western movie narrative of
an indigenous territory prone to be occupied by the civilising East. It
is littered withreferences to the Founding Fathers and the U.S.
Constitution (1996). Conferences, gatherings and camps addressing the
three tendencies above became extremely popular, similarly to how the
film industry increasingly relied on festivals. The Chaos Communication
Congress has run from 1984 and is now the most prominent event in
Europe, while in the USA H.O.P.E. was organised in 1994 by the people
around the 2600 magazine, and is still going strong. Hacker camping was
initiated by a series of events in Netherlands running since 1989. These
experiences solidified and popularised the hacker movement and the
desire for permanent hacker spaces was part of this development.

As Nick Farr (2009) has pointed out, the first wave of pioneering
hackerspaces were founded in the 1990s, just as were hacklabs. L0pht
stated in 1992 in the Boston area as a membership based club that
offered shared physical and virtual infrastructure to select people.
Some other places were started in those years in the USA based on this
“covert” model. In Europe, C-base in Berlin started with a more public
profile in 1995, promoting free access to the Internet and serving as a
venue for various community groups. These second wave spaces “proved
that hackers could be perfectly open about their work, organise
officially, gain recognition from the government and respect from the
public by living and applying the Hacker ethic in their efforts” (Farr,
2009). However, it is with the current, third wave that the number of
hackerspaces begun to grow exponentially and it developed into a global
movement of sorts. I argue that the term hackerspaces was not widely
used before this point and the small number of hackerspaces that existed
were less consistent and did not yet develop the characteristics of a
movement. Notably, this is in constrast with narrative of the hacklabs
presented earlier which appeared as a more consistent political
movement.

Several accounts (for example Anon, 2008) highlight a series of talks in
2007 and 2008 that inspired, and continue to inspire, the foundation of
new hackerspaces. Judging from registered hackerspaces, however, the
proliferation seems to have started earlier. In 2007 Farr organised a
project called Hackers on a Plane, which brought hackers from the USA to
the Chaos Communication Congress, and included a tour of hackerspaces in
the area. Ohlig and Weiler from the C4 hackerspace in Cologne gave a
ground-braking talk on the conference entitled *Building a Hackerspace*
(2007). The presentation defined the hackerspace design patterns, which
are written in the form of a catechism and provide solutions to common
problems that arise during the organisation of the hackerspace. More
importantly, it has canonised the concept of hackerspaces and put the
idea of setting up new ones all over the world on the agenda of the
hacker movement. When the USA delegation returned home, they presented
their experiences under the programmatic title *Building Hacker Spaces
Everywhere: Your Excuses are Invalid*. They argued that “four people can
start a sustainable hacker space”, and showed how to do it (Farr et al,
2008). The same year saw the launch of hackerspaces.org, in Europe with
*Building an international movement: hackerspaces.org* (Pettis et al,
2008), and also in August at the North American HOPE (Anon, 2008). While
the domain is registered since 2006, the Internet Archive saw the first
website there in 2008 listing 72 hackerspaces. Since then the
communication platforms provided by the portal became a vital element in
the hackerspaces movement, sporting the slogan “build! unite! multiply!”
(hackerspaces.org, 2011). A survey of the founding date of the 500
registered hackerspaces show a growing trend from 2008 (see Figure 2).

Notably, most of these developments focused on the formal
characteristics of hackerspaces, for instance how to manage problems and
grow a community. They emphasised an open membership model for
maintaining a common workspace that functions as a cooperative
socialising, learning and production environment. However, the content
of the activities going on in hackerspaces also shows great consistency.
The technologies used can be described as layers of sedimentation: newer
technologies take their place alongside older ones without it becoming
entirely obsolete. First of all, the fact that hackers collaborate in a
physical space meant a resurgence of work on electronics, which
conjoined with the established trend of tinkering with physical
computers. A rough outline of connected research areas could be (in
order of appearance): free software development, computer recycling,
wireless mesh networking, microelectronics, open hardware, 3D printing,
machine workshops and cooking.

From this rudimentary time line, it is evident that activities in
hackerspaces have gravitated towards the physical. The individual
trajectories of all these technology areas could be unfolded, but here
the focus will be on microelectronics. This choice of focus is merited
because microelectronics played a key role in kickstarting hackerspaces,
as evidenced by the popularity of basic electronic classes and
programmable microcontroller workshops in the programme of young
hackerspaces. Physical computing was layed out by Igoe and O’Sullivan in
*Physical Computing: Sensing and Controlling the Physical World with
Computers* (2004), and had a great impact on the whole computing scene.
This new framework of human-machine interaction stressed the way people
behave in everyday situations using their whole body, and opened the way
for exploratory research through the construction of intelligent
appliances. The next year O’Reilly Media started to publish Make
Magazine which focuses on do-it-yourself technology, including
tutorials, recipes, and commentary. Among the authors one find many of
the celebrities of the hacker subculture. “The first magazine devoted to
digital projects, hardware hacks, and DIY inspiration. Kite aerial
photography, video cam stabiliser, magnetic stripe card reader, and much
more.” (Make Magazine, 2011) In Europe, Massimo Banzi and others started
to work on the invention of Arduino, a programmable microcontroller
board with an easy-to-use software interface. This amateur-friendly
microcontroller system became the staple of hackerspaces and artists’
workshops and initiated a whole new generation into rapid prototyping
and electronics work. To put it together, physical computing provided a
theoretical area to be explored, and the Arduino became its killer
application, while Make magazine and similar media facilitated the
spread of research results. It is open to speculation how this trend
fits into the bigger picture of what seems to be a shift in
sensibilities in society at large. If the 1990s was marked by a
preoccupation with discourses and languages, preeminence is now given to
materialities and embodiedness.

The Hungarian Autonomous Center for Knowledge in Budapest is a fairly
typical third wave hackerspace. It was founded in 2009 after a
presentation at the local new tech meetup, itself inspired by the
hackerspaces presentation in Berlin (Stef, 2009). The location is
comprised of a workspace, kitchen, chill-out room and terrace in an
inner city cultural centre which hosts ateliers for artists along with a
pub and some shops. The rent is covered by membership fees and donations
from individuals, companies and other organisations. Members are
entitled to a key, while visitors can look up when the space is open
thanks to a real time signal system called Hacksense. It displays the
status of the lab on the website, the twitter account and a database.
Thus, visitors are welcome any time, and especially at the announced
events that happen a few times every month. These include meetings and
community events, as well as practical workshops, presentations and
courses. In line with the hackerspaces design patterns, orientating
discussions happen weekly on Tuesdays, where decisions are made based on
a rough consensus. Hackathons are special events where several people
work on announced topics for six hours or a whole day. These events are
sometimes synchronised internationally with other hackspaces. However,
most of the activity happens on a more ad-hoc basis, depending on the
schedule and the whim of the participants. For this reason, the online
chat channel and the wiki website are heavily used for coordination,
documentation and socialisation. Projects usually belong to one or more
individual, but some projects are endorsed by almost everybody.

Among the projects housed at Hungarian Autonomous Center for Knowledge,
some arepure software projects. A case in point isf33dme, a
browser-based feed reader. f33dme is a popular project in the
hackerspace and as more people adopt it for their needs, it gets more
robust and more features are added over time. Although this is nothing
new compared to the free software development model found elsewhere, the
fact that there is an embodied user community has contributed to its
success. There are also ‘hardware hacks’ like the SIDBox, which is built
from the music chip from an old Commodore C64 computer, adding USB input
and a mini-jack output. This enables the user to play music from a
contemporary computer using the chip as an external sound card. An ever
expanding ‘hardware corner’ with electronic parts, soldering iron and
multimeters facilitates this kind of work. There is also a 3D printer
and tools for physical work. The members are precarious ICT workers,
researchers at computer security companies, and/or students in related
fields. It is a significant aspect of the viability of the hackerspace
that quite a few core members work flexible hours or work only
occasionally, so at least during some periods they have time to dedicate
to the hackerspace. Some of the activities have a direct political
character, mostly concentrating on issues such as open data,
transparency and privacy. Noteworthy are the collaboration with groups
who campaign for information rights issues in the European Parliament
and in European countries, or helping journalists to harvest datasets
from publicly available databases. The hackerspace sends delegations
which represents it atevents in the global hackerspace movement, such as
the aforementioned Congress and the Chaos Communication Camp, and
smaller ones such as the Stadtflucht sojourn organised by Metalab, a
hackerspace in Vienna (Metalab, 2011).

To conclude, the emergence of hackerspaces is in line with a larger
trajectory in the hacker movement, which gradually has gained more
institutional structures. The turn towards the physical (mainly through
utilising micro-controlers) marked the point when hackerspaces became
widespread, since development and collaboration on such projects is
greatly facilitated by having a shared space. While most discourse and
innovation in the community was focused on the organisational form
rather than the political content of hackerspaces, such less defined and
more liberal-leaning political content allowed the movement to spread
and forge connections in multiple directions without loosing its own
thrust: from companies through civil society to a general audience.

![](http://peerproduction.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/figure3maxigas2.jpg)

Figure 3. The two previous figures superimposed for the sake of
clarification.

4. Hacklabs and Hackerspaces
----------------------------

Having outlined the parallel genealogies of hacklabs and hackerspaces,
it is now possible to contrast these ideal types with each other and
make some comparative observations. For the sake of brevity, only a few
points will be highlighted in this section. Hopefully, these will
further clarify the differences between labs and spaces and provide some
useful critierias for further research.

An interesting occasion presented itself in 2010 for making a direct
comparison between the Hackney Crack House hacklab and the Hungarian
Autonomous Center for Knowledge hackerspace. I then had first hand
experience of the distinct ways in which the hacklab and the hackerspace
developed and presented one and the same artifact. The artifact in
question is called “Burnstation”. Even a brief sketch of the different
directions in which Burnstation was developed can serve to illuminate
some key points deriving from the conceptual and historical genealogies
put forth above. The Burnstation is a physical “kiosk” that enables the
user to browse, listen, select, burn to CD or copy to USB audio files
from a music database (Rama Cosentino platoniq, 2003). The original
Burnstation was invented in the riereta in Barcelona, which started as a
hacklab with a media focus in 2001 and became institutionalised in 2005,
when it received funding from the local authorities — which means it is
more of a hackerspace nowadays. Underlying this transformation, it is
also registered on hackerspaces.org. The many variations of Burnstation
have been displayed publicly in various exhibition contexts as well as
being widely used in hacklabs and hackerspaces. Snapshots of what the
original Burnstation and its two derivatives looked like at some point
in its ongoing development process can be seen in Figure 4 (Rama et al),
Figure 5 (HCH) and Figure 6 (H.A.C.K.).

The most striking difference between the two recent reimplementations of
Burnstation is that in the version built by the hacklab people, the
original concept was altered so that the music collection includes
exclusively Creative Commons licensed material that can be freely
distributed to an anything-goes library, including many files which are
illegal to copy. The message was therefore changed radically from the
consumption and celebration of the fruits of a new kind of production
regime to one that emphasised piracy and transgression. The public
display of the installation was a statement against the Digital Economy
Act that just came into force in the United Kingdom. The act
criminalised file sharing and threatened to suspend Internet access in
cases where intellectual property rights were violated (Parliament of
the United Kingdom, 2010). Thus the installation was promoting illegal
activity in direct opposition to the existing state policies — which was
not as controversial as it sounds since the venues and exhibitions where
it was on show were themselves on a frail legal footing. In contrast,
the Burnstation developed by the hackerspace appeared in an exhibition
on the 300th birthday of copyright in a prestigious institution,
showcasing the alternative practices and legislative frameworks to the
traditional view of intellectual property rights.

Another aspect of the difference between the two installations was
apparent in the solutions for user interaction. The hackerspace version
was based on an updated version of the original software and hardware: a
user-friendly web interface running behind a touch screen. The hacklab
version, on the other hand, reimplemented the software in a text-only
environment and had a painted keyboard, providing a more arcane
navigation experience. Moreover, the exhibited installation was placed
in a pirate-themed environment where the computer could only be
approached through a paddling pool. The two different approaches
correspond to the two broad trends in interface design: while one aims
at a transparent and smooth experience, the other sets up barriers to
emphasise the interface in a playful way. To conclude, the hackerspace
members created an alternative experience that fitted in more smoothly
into the hegemonic worldview of intellectual property and
user-friendliness, while the hacklab crew challenged the same hegemonic
notions, foregrounding freedom and desire. At the same time, it is plain
to see that many factors tie the two projects together. Both groups
carried out a collective project open for collaboration and built on
existing results of similar initiatives, using low-tech and recycled
components creatively. Ultimately, both projects marked a departure from
preconfigured and consumerist relations with technology. In different
ways, their interventions sought to put in question existing copyright
law.

![](http://peerproduction.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/image1maxigas1.jpg)

Figure 4. Burnstation (Rama Cosentino platoniq). Emerging Art Festival,
2011, Buenos Aires. Photo by Dianeth Medina.

Generally speaking, technological choices made in the two types of
spaces described above seem to be conditioned by two factors: the
historical lineage and the political-cultural surrounding. Since the
hacklabs bloomed at a time when Internet access and even computers were
a scarce resource and desktop computing with free software was not
trivial, their contribution in the area of access and network
technologies was crucial. Moreover, their contribution to technological
development and political messages — for example in the case of the
Indymedia network — fitted into the pattern of the alterglobalisation
movement, while sharing some of the same defaults. Similarly, a few
years later, hackerspaces pushed the limits of currently available
technology by embracing and advancing microcontrollers and 3D printers.
At the time of writing, they are the only spaces where a general public
can freely access and learn about such devices, although it is not clear
whether these will become as ubiquitous in daily life as computers and
networks. The important difference is that the hackerspaces are not
embedded and consciously committed to an overtly political project or
idea. Of course this does not prevent political projects from being
undertaken in hackerspacesIn the best of cases, the absence of an openly
declared ideology will potentially lead to a wider diffusion of the
project. In the worst case, however, the lack of a political
conscioussness leads to the reproduction of dominant power structures
orientated towards white middle class tech-savvy males, a claim to be
investigated below.

A more abstract issue to address in order to highlight the structural
differences between hacklabs and hackerspaces is their policy and
practices towards inclusion and exclusion. On the one hand, the
autonomous or anarchist orientation of hacklabscontrasts sharply with
the liberal or libertarian orientation of most hackerspaces. On the
other hand, since hacklabs are more integral to a wider political
movement, non-technological aspects play a bigger role in how they are
run. A concrete example is that while sexism and similarly
offensivebehaviours are mostly seen as legitimate reasons for excluding
an individual from hacklabs, in hackerspaces such issues are either
highly controversial and discussed at length to no avail (as in Metalab)
or simply a non-topic (as in H.A.C.K.). Still, a lecture and discussion
at the latest Chaos Communication Camp found that although hacker
culture is still overwhelmingly male-oriented, it has become more and
more welcoming to women and sexual minorities in the last decade
(Braybrooke, 2011).

The different priorities of hacklabs and hackerspaces can be
demonstrated with their diverging policies on wheelchair accessibility.
While the hacklab in London described above was not wheelchair
accessible, a ramp has been built for the house itself to be so.
Discussions about open training sessions included the issue, and a
temporary computer room was planned on the ground floor. In a similar
vein, the hackerspace called Metalab in Vienna was made wheelchair
accessible, and even a wheelchair toilet was installed that a regular
visitor was using. However, with time it was decided that the darkroom
would take the place of the wheelchair toilet, practically excluding the
person from the space. A similar change occurred with the shower, which
was taken over by the expansion of the machine workshop (Anon, 2011).
This affected a more or less homeless person who most often came to the
hackerspace to play chess. These decisions show the reversal of an
exceptionally inclusive social and spatial arrangement because of a
prioritised focus on technology, coupled with the primacy assigned to
collective interests over minority needs. Hacklabs, especially if they
reside in occupied spaces, are less inclined to make such decisions,
partly because of the ethos of the public space that often comes with
occupations, and especially in social centres. However, it has to be
notes that while accessibility and non-discriminations are legitimate
grounds for debate in hacklabs but not necessarily in hackerspaces, as
the above example shows even hacklabs have made little practical
progress on the issue.

![](http://peerproduction.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/image2maxigas1.jpg)

Figure 5. Piratepond installation from Hackney Crack House at the
Temporary Autonomous Art exhibition in London, 2011, including a
Burnstation. Photo in the public domain.

Finally I would like to make apoint about the political impact of these
diverging constellations, and ask to what extent and in which ways they
contribute to and support postcapitalist practices, movements and
subjectivities. The hacklabs gave a technological advantage to
grassroots political movements, pioneering access to information and
communication technologies and innovative solutions in an era where
access was not available to most people as a consumer service. On the
downside, those initiatives often got stuck in what has could be called
a “activist ghetto” or an “underground”, which meant that even the
Burnstation project described above was only available to a limited
social group. Through a process that Granzfurthner and Schneider
describe as the capitalist co-optation of the fertile resistance
inherent in such scenes ([2009]), the hackerspaces managed to go beyond
these historical limits and forged important connections. The latter
continue to have a lasting impact through the technological artifacts —
both abstract and physical — that they create, as well as the innovation
and most importantly the education that they practice. The case of 3D
printers, which according to Jakob Rigi can revolutionise production
processes and create the conditions for a society based on craftsmanship
rather than factories, is but one case in point ([2011]). Moreover,
thanks to their more open dynamics, hackerspaces can foster
collaboration between a wide range of social actors. For the hacker
culture that has managed to catapult itself to the front pages of
international newspapers in the last few years, it is of immense
significance to have acquired a global network of real workshop spaces
that provide an infrastructure. In the current global political
atmosphere dominated by an array of crises, this scene shows vitality
and direction. However, as the superuser command says, “With great power
comes great responsibility”.

The appreciation of history is not about passing judgement on the old
and the dead, but it is there to inspire present efforts. As Théorie
Communiste argues, each cycle of struggle brings something new based on
what happened before, thereby expanding the historical limits of the
struggle (Endnotes, 2008). Perhaps the political potential of
hackerspaces lies precisely in the fact that they have not become a
social movement and therefore not limited by the conventions of social
movements. They stand at the intersection of the dystopian “geeky
workshop paradises” (Granzfurthner and Schneider [2009]) and the utopian
reality of genuinely contestant spaces that have wide impact. If more
hackers can combine the technological productivity of the “hands-on
imperative” (Levy [1968], 2001) and the wide possibilities of
transversal cross-pollination of hackerspaces with the social critique
of the hacklabs, there is a world to win.

![](http://peerproduction.net/wp-content/uploads/2012/06/image3maxigas1.jpg)

Figure 6. Burnstation from Hungarian Autonomous Center for Knowledge,
exhibited at KOPIRÁJT, OSA Archivum, 2010. Photo by eapo. License: CC
BY-NC.

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